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HISTORICAL SKETCHES 



OF 



NEW MEXICO 



FROM THE 



Earliest Records to the American Occupation, 



BY 



L. BRADFORD PRINCE, 

President of the Historical Society of Ke-w Mexico. 
\ Late Chief Justice of Ne'wjyrexico, Etc. 



LEGGAT BROTHERS, i 

CHAMBERS STREET, NEW YORK. 

RAMSEY, MILLETT & HUDSON, 



KANSAS CITY 

1883 



-^.v^^/^^X^ 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1888, by 

L. Bkadkoko Prixck, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C 




:j 



y 



^ 



i/ 



Electrotyped and Printed bg Ramsey, Milleft & Hudson, Kansas City, Mo. 



%% 



> "^ 



DEDICATION. 



PEOPLE OF NEW MEXICO, 

Three-fold in origin and language, but now one in nationality, in 

purpose, and in destiny ; 
To THE Pueblos, 

Still representing in unchanged form the aboriginal civilization 
which built the cities and established the systems of government and 
social life which astonished the European discoverers nearly four 
centuries ago ; 
To THE Mexicans, 

Who, in generosity, hospitality, and chivalric feeling, are worthy 
sons of the Conquistadores, who, with undaunted courage and match 
less gallantry, carried the cross of Christianity and the flag of Spain 
to the ends of the earth ; 
To the Amekican:s, 

Whose energy and enterprise are bringing all the appliances of 
modern science and invention to develop. the almost limitles's 
resources which nature has bestowed upon us; 
To All, as New Mexicans, 

Now unitedly engaged in advancing the prosperity, and working 
for the magnificent future of the Territory, of which the author is 
proud to be a citizen,— these sketches of part of its earlier history are 
respectfully dedicated. 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE. 

PEEFACE 7 

CHAPTER I— Introductory 11 

II — The Pueblo Aborigines 20 

III — The Journey of Cabeza de Baca 40 

IV — The Expedition of Marcos de Niza 96 

V — The Expedition of Coronado 116 

VI— The Mission of Friar Euiz 149 

V"II — The Expedition of Espejo 153 

VIII — The Colonization by Onate 161 

IX— 1600 to 1680 167 

X — The Expedition OF Saldivar 176 

XI — The Quivira Expedition of Penalosa 179 

XII— The Revolution of 1680 190 

XIII— The Pueblo Government 1680-1695 197 

XIV — The Reconqeust by Vargas 206 

XV— The 18th Century 221 

XVI— 1800 to 1846 , 228 

XVII — Pike's Expedition 246 

XVIII— The Santa Fe Trail 266 

XIX — The Insurrection op 1837 285 

XX— The American Occupation 290 

XXI— The Revolt of 1847 , 313 



PR EFACE 



The present volume has been prepared in order to 
meet, to some extent, the felt want of some book con- 
taining, as far as practicable, in a connected form, the 
historical items relative to New Mexico, heretofore 
scattered, and often unobtainable, or only preserved 
in the memory of persons fast growing old. 

I have called it "Historical Sketches," instead of 
"A History of New Mexico," because it is not possi- 
ble at this time to write a satisfactor}^ continuous ac- 
count of the history of the Teriitory. The most of 
the records prior to 1680 were burned in the Pueblo 
Rebellion; many of those of more recent date w^ere 
sold for waste -paper, and so lost or destroyed, in the 
days of Governor Pile; and the remainder are unpub- 
lished, and generally unavailable, at present, for the 
purposes of the historian. It is to be hoped that be- 
fore many more years pass, a sufficient appropriation 
will be made by the Government for the classification 
and arrangement of all the existing archives, and the 
publication of such documents as may have historic 
value 

It had been hoped that records of interest relating 
to New Mexico might be preserved in the archives at 
Guadalajara, as all the territory north of Zacatecas 
was subject to the audiencia of that city; but the offi- 
cial investigations made by Hon. John W. Foster, the 



8 PREFACE 

American Minister, in the year 1873, destroyed any 
expectations from that quarter; as it appeared that, 
even if documents of that character had previously 
been in existence, they were destroyed by the great 

conflagration of 1859. 

> 

In the preparation of this volume the following 
books (among others) have been consulted: Relation 
of Cabeza de Vaca, Buckingham Smith; Relation of 
Friar Marcos de Niza, Hakluyt; Letters of Coronado, 
Hakluyt; Castaneda's Relation of Coronado's Expedi- 
tion, Ternaux- Com pans; Relation of Juan Jaramillo; 
Histories of the Conquest of Mexico, by Bernal Diaz, 
Antonio de Solis, and Prescott ; Histories of Mexico, 
by Clavigero, Mayer, and Frost; W. W. H. Davis' 
"Spanish Conquest of New Mexico" and "El Gringo;" 
Gemeli Careri's Travels in New Spain ; Humboldt's 
New Spain; Peflalosa's Quivira Expedition, Shea; 
Bonnycastle's Spanish America ; Pike's Expedition ; 
Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies; Marcy's Prairie 
Traveller ; Kendall's Santa Fe Expedition ; Ruxton's 
Mexico and the Rocky Mountains ; Meline's Two 
Thousand Miles on Horseback; Explorations in Texas, 
New Mexico, etc., Bartlett; Mexico, New Mexico, and 
California, Branz Mayer ; Reports of Operations in 
1846-7, Emory, Abert, Cooke, and Johnston ; Abert's 
Examination of New Mexico; Hughes' Doniphan Ex- 
pedition; Campaign with Doniphan, Edwards; Con- 
quest of New Mexico, Cooke; Reconnaissances in New 
Mexico, Johnston, Smith, etc.; Simpson's Navajo Ex- 
pedition; Sitgreaves' Zufii Expedition; Heap's Central 
Route to the Pacific; Hayes' Santa Fe Trail; Inman's 



PREFACE 



Trail Sketches ; Anderson's Silver Country ; Peters' 
Life of Kit Carson; Cozzens' Marvelous Country; Re- 
ports of Wheeler, Powell, Jackson, Stevenson, etc. ; 
New Mexican Blue Book, Ritch; Bancroft's Native 
Races ; North Americans of Antiquity, Short ; Mor- 
gan's Homes of American Aborigines ; Putnam's Ar- 
chaeology of Pueblos, etc. 

I beg to tender my acknowledgments to Sergeant 
Francisco de la Pena, who was in the Mexican Mili- 
tary Service as early as 1832 ; Hon. Levi J. Keithley, 
member of the First Territorial Legislature (1847) ; 
Hon. Gabriel Lucero, Hon. Samuel Ellison, Capt. J. 
M. Sena y Baca, Henry O'Neill, Esq., Hon. Amadc 
Chavez, and others, for information of value relative 
to the more recent history of the Territory. 

L. B. P. 
Santa Fe, June, 1883. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES. 



CIIAPTEE I 



INTRODUCTORY. 



THE history of New Mexico may be divided into 
three epochs — the Aboriginal or Pueblo, the Span- 
ish, and the American. 

The aborigines had no written records, and conse- 
quently what is known of their history is from tradition 
or the relation of such Europeans as came in contact 
with them. Several times before the final conquest and 
occupation of the country by the Spaniards, travellers 
or explorers traversed the country; sometimes by acci- 
dent, as in the case of Cabeza de Vaca; sometimes bent 
on conquest, as with Coronado ; sometimes as mission- 
aries, as with Friar Ruiz ; sometimes to spy out the 
land for others, as with Marcos de Niza. Each of these, 
in the narrative of what he saw and did, has given us a 
brief glimpse of the country as it existed just at that 
time; and this is all we have from which to gain a 
knowledge of the history, condition, and customs of the 
people during long periods. These narratives are of 
great interest, as they afford us life-like views of a 
unique form of civilization, existing almost isolated, 
in the midst of encircling deserts and nomadic tribe s. 
But the absence of chronicles from native sources makes 
it impossible to give a connected and continuous history 
of that time. We have isolated glimpses, and nothing- 
more. As the Wandering Jew is said in the legend to 
visit the same locality at intervals of 500 years, and to 
find on each occasion a new people and altered customs, 



12 INTRODUCTORY. 

without having any knowledge of intervening events 
or the causes of such changes, — so the ])rief views into 
the interior of New Mexico presented by tlie early nar- 
ratives (separated sometimes by nearly half a century) 
reveal changes for which, with no knowledge of the 
occurrences between, we cannot account. Thus, when 
Coronado marched through New Mexico, Tiguex and 
Cicuye were the two most important cities in the val- 
ley of the Rio Grande; but forty years later, when Es- 
pejo travelled over the same ground, it is impossible to 
distinguish them either by description or by name. In 
the days of Coronado, of Onate, and of Penalosa, much 
was heard of Quivira as the great city of transcendent 
riches and glory across the eastern plains ; but during 
the 200 years which have since passed its name is not 
mentioned. 

All, then, that can be done in the way of a history 
of the earlier epoch is to bring together what we know 
from various sources of the origin and life of the Pueblo 
aborigines, and then to present, one by one, the brief 
glimpses that we have of the country from the observa- 
tions of those who from time to time penetrated to its 
interior. The earliest of these is Cabeza de Vaca, the 
first European who ever stood on New Mexican soil. 
While his visit was unpremeditated and involuntary, 
yet the story of his long journey across the continent, 
of its strange adventures, its dangers and privations, 
can never lose its interest; and in New ^Mexican history 
his name will always have the leading place. Fortu- 
nately, he has left us a full narration, made to the king 
on his return to Spain. Then comes the expedition of 
Marcos de Niza, the record of which, written by himself, 
is so extravagant and exaggerated that it might thereby 
lose in interest if his had not been the first journey 
made for purposes of exploration, the first coming across 
the western desert, and the first which brought any 
European in sight of one of the great cities of the 



INTRODUCTORY. 13 

Pueblos. This was immediately followed by the cele- 
brated march of Coronado, who with an army not only 
traversed the whole of New Mexico, but even crossed 
the Great Plains to the valley of the Mississippi. Of all 
the expeditions this was the most important, as it oc- 
cupied a sufficient time for a full examination of the 
country ; and it is matter for congratulation that we 
have so perfect a narrative of it as that of Castaneda, 
supplemented by the letters of Coronado himself, and 
the relation of Captain Jaramillo. 

Forty years pass, and then we have the brief account 
of a journey of another kind, not undertaken for glory 
or conquest, save the glory of God and the conquest of 
souls — the missionary effort of Friar Ruiz and his com- 
panions, in 1581. That led to the expedition of Espejo, 
for the rescue of the monks; and the wide extent of 
country which he traversed — from El Paso to Zuni — 
gives us a brief vision of many places rendered familiar 
in Coronado's day. Passing less-important travellers, 
we next come to the colonization of the Rio Grande 
valley by Oilate, and the establishment of a regular 
Spanish government in the Province; with the build- 
ing of churches and the rapid spread of Christianity. 

Then ensues a long period of which the records were 
probably nearly all destroyed at the time of the Pueblo 
Revolution, though some may yet be recovered in Mex- 
ico or Spain ; and in 1662 we have the romantic and 
brilliant expedition of Penalosa across the Great Plains 
again to the city of Quivira, which might have brought 
great results had he been permitted to carry out his 
programme of conquest and colonization. Throughout 
this period we find the natives being gradually reduced 
to more and more severe bondage, until in 1680 they at 
last rose in successful revolt, and drove the Spaniards 
from the country. From the history of this contest and 
their subsequent action, we learn that their long servi- 
tude had made them cruel and revengeful, and had un- 



14 INTRODUCTORY. 

fitted them, for self-government; as the years of their 
supremacy mark a period of jealousy and conflict, and 
that in which they suffered greater diminution in num- 
bers than ever before. Then comes the protracted con- 
test for new supremacy by the Spaniards, ending at last 
in 1696 by the final subjugation of the natives and paci- 
fication of the Province. After this follows a period 
during which no events of great interest occurred— gen- 
eration following generation in an existence almost en- 
tirely isolated from the world, and the monotony of life 
varied by little save almost continual warfare with one 
or another Indian tribe which desolated the borders. 
Whatever there is of interest in the succeeding century 
is hidden among the remaining archives at Santa F6, 
or lost with those which were so needlessly destroyed. 
But nothing occurred sufiiciently important to cause a 
ripple on the surface of the general history of the world, 
or even of Mexico. The people lived happy, peaceful, 
tranquil lives, except when aroused by Indian troubles; 
they improved their surroundings and amassed property 
and wealth, and were less troubled by the fierce conflicts 
which shook the world during that period than any 
other civilized people. The revolution in Mexico made 
a change in government, and aroused the sentiment of 
independence among the people ; but New Mexico was 
too remote to be a scene of conflict, and quietly passed 
from being the dependency of a kingdom to its position 
as part of a republic. Meanwhile the overland trade 
with the United States had commenced, and the Santa 
Fe Trail was the route which made the capital of the 
Territory the great distributing point for merchandise 
in northern Mexico. The revolutionary spirit which 
for so long a time prevented stability in government in 
the Mexican Republic afl^ected New Mexico as well as 
other sections ; and the year 1837 saw an insurrection 
which resulted in the killing of the Governor and other 
high officials, and the proclamation of a Pueblo Indian 



INTRODUCTORY. 15 

as Provisional Governor, soon followed by a counter- 
movement which executed Gonzales and brought Ar- 
mijo into power. .-^ 

Less than ten years after, the American ''Army of 
the West," under General Kearney, entered Santa Fe, 
New Mexico was proclaimed American territory, and a 
provisional government established. The " Taos insur- 
rection," in which Gov. Bent and a number of others 
were killed, followed; but this was speedily suppressed, 
and the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo finally ceded the 
Territory to the United States. Of late years, with 
more perfect protection from Indians, the introduction 
of railroads, telegraphs, and other modern inventions, a 
rapid increase in population, and a general development 
of her unequalled natural resources, New Mexico is 
making rapid strides in progress and swiftly fitting 
herself to be a rich and influential State in the Amer- 
ican Republic. 

This is an epitome of the history of New Mexico. 
Under the peculiar circumstances it is not possible to 
arrange a continuous narrative, and all that is attempted 
in the chapters to follow is to present the various scenes 
in the historic drama as truthfully as may be. In pre- 
senting the substance of the narrations of the early 
expeditions, the spirit of the 51d chronicles has been 
retained as far as possible, although it might be strongly 
tinged by exaggeration, as in the case of Marcos de 
Niza; for the reason that only by that means can we 
properly appreciate the influence which those reports 
had on the actions of others. One thing has to be 
specially borne in mind in judging either of the 
grade of civilization which the Pueblo Indians had 
attained, or. the dangers and difficulties encountered by 
the early adventurers, and the courage and endurance 
necessary in surmounting them — and that is, that many 
of the ^yents narrated occurred nearly three and a half 
centuries ago ; that the whole world has made vast 



16 INTRODUCTORY. 

Strides in progress since that time, and that systems of 
various kinds which to-day may seem crude were then 
fully equal to the average civilization of the world; 
while a journey, which, with our geograj^hical knowl- 
edge and rapid conveyance, appears but a holiday trip, 
was then a plunge into an unknown wilderness, requir- 
ing enterprise and fearlessness of the highest type. It 
is difficult for persons in our generation to realize the 
circumstances under which the various expeditions and 
explorations connected with New Mexico were made 
during the sixteenth, and indeed the seventeenth 
century. We have been so accustomed to the general 
geographical contour of the American continent from 
our earliest youth, we know so well the distance from 
ocean to ocean, and from the gulf to the Arctic region, 
that it seems difficult to remember that the intrepid 
explorers who penetrated to the north, after the fall of 
the Montezumas, had no idea at all of the extent of the 
main-land, and were never sure, as they ascended a 
mountain, but that its summit would bring to view the 
South Sea to the west, the North Sea or Atlantic to the 
east, or the great Arctic Ocean toward the Pole. Yet we 
know that Columbus thought he had reached the East 
Indies when he first discovered land in the western 
hemisphere, and that after all his voyages he died with 
no idea of the true distance to that goal ; that Hudson 
ascended the river which bears his name, supposing it 
to be a strait leading to tlie China Sea, and that the 
Chesapeake was explored in a similar belief; that Cali- 
fornia was for long years represented on all maps as an 
island apart from the American continent, and that the 
narrowness of the land between the oceans at Darien, 
and even in Mexico, naturally gave rise to the idea that 
the terra jirma was of no great width at any point, and 
the great seas of the earth nowhere very far apart. 
The universality of this opinion among all nations is 
illustrated by the fact that the early charters of the 



INTRODUCTORY. 17 

English colonies extend their limits westward to the 
South Sea, with no knowledge as to whether it might 
be a 100 or a 1,000 miles distant, but in a belief that 
would have been shocked if any one had suggested that 
it was giving them an area 2,500 miles in length. 

The explorer of those daj^s was travelling entirely 
in the dark. Nothing in more modern times has been 
similar to, or can again resemble, the uncertainty and 
romance of those early expeditions. For the recent ex- 
plorers of Africa, for example, had a perfect knowledge 
of the shape of the exterior of the continent, and knew 
exactly what tribes lived on each shore, and what rivers 
emptied into each ocean. All that was left as a terra 
incognita was a certain area in the center, and that of 
known length and breadth. But the early explorers of 
America literally knew nothing of the land they entered. 
It was absolutely virgin soil. They might find impass- 
able mountains or enormous lakes; they might have to 
traverse almost interminable deserts, or discover rivers 
whose width would forbid their crossing; they might 
chance upon gigantic volcanoes, or find themselves on 
the shore of the ultimate-ocean. And as to inhabitants 
and products they were equall}^ ignorant. 

We are sometimes induced to smile at the marvelous 
stories related by some of the older explorers, at their 
still more extravagant expectations, and the credulity 
with which everything (however exaggerated or unnat- 
ural) relating to the new continent was believed. But 
we must remember that it was a day of real marvels, 
and that nothing could well be imagined more extraor- 
dinary and unexpected than those things which had 
already been discovered as realities. An entire new 
world had been opened to the enterprise, the curiositv, 
the cupidity, and the benevolence of mankind. It is 
as if to-day a ready mode of access to the moon were 
discovered, and the first adventurers to the lunar re- 
gions had returned laden with diamonds, and bearing 



18 INTRODUCTORY. 

tidings of riches and wonders far beyond the wildest 
imagination of former generations. Just so the early- 
explorers had returned to the Eastward, telling of the 
marvels of the new Indies; of the luxuriant vegetation, 
the vast extent, the untold riches, the silver and the 
gold, of the western continent. As one adventurous 
explorer followed another, new discoveries were con- 
stantly made; each apparently exceeding its prede- 
cessor in importance, in riches, and in glory. Ameri- 
cus Ves^DUcius landed on the^ main-land of the south, 
iand the Cabots and Verrazani skirted the shores of the 
northern parts of the continent. Then Cortoz discov- 
ered and conquered the great empire of the INIontezu- 
mas, and Pizarro subdued the rich dominion of the 
Incas. The wealth of these two fallen kingdoms was 
a marvel, as the accumulated treasures of generations 
fell into the hands of the conquerors as it were in a 
moment. 

After such discoveries, what might not be expected ? 
When the realities already known so far surpassed all 
former extravagance of imagination, why might not the 
future bring forth things even. more surprising ? Why 
might not kingdoms be found as far transcending Mex- 
ico and Peru as those kingdoms exceeded the barbarism 
and poverty of the savage inhabitants of some of the 
first-discovered islands? There was nothing impossible 
in this, nor illogical in the anticipation; and this 
should be borne in mind in reading of the later expedi- 
tions into the interior of the continent, of the readiness 
with which stories of marvelous riches and stores of 
gold and precious stones were credited, and of the eager- 
ness with which men braved danger and hardship in 
the venturesome expeditions of that day. 

And another element is not to be overlooked, and 
that is the religious one. In many hearts this was a 
strong, impelling principle. Here were unknown hea- 
then nations to be brouofht to the knowledge of the 



INTRODUCTORY. 19 

faith; here were untold thousands of souls to be saved. 
In this view it was the old spirit of the Crusaders that 
was aroused. As men left their homes, abandoned their 
property, deserted their families and friends, and en- 
countered every form of difficult}'' and danger to rescue 
the tomb of the Lord from the dominion of the unbe- 
lievers; so, a little later, others imbu(3d with the same 
martyr spirit were ready to venture all and suffer even 
death to carry a knowledge of Christianity to heathen 
tribes. 

With these facts in our minds, we can better under- 
stand how it was that, within twenty years after the 
fall of Montezuma, Castilian enterprise and prowess 
had penetrated more than 1,500 miles to the north, 
over mountain and desert, to the Land of the Seven 
Cities, and how, later on, they travelled hurwdreds of 
miles further into the interior, in search of new lands 
to conquer, new riches to acquire, and new tribes to 
christianize. 



CHAPTER 11. 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 



THE origin of the aboriginal inhabitants of New 
Mexico as found by Cabeza de Vaca, Coronado, and 
the other early travellers and explorers, and as existing 
to-day in the persons of the Pueblo Indians, is involved 
in such obscurity that nothing certain can be positively 
asserted of it. We have, in the description given by 
the first Europeans who penetrated the country, the 
pictures of populous communities, occupying the val- 
ley of the Rio Grande and its branches, and extending 
westward as far as Zuni and Moqui, entirely different 
in character from the nomadic tribes of the plains, but 
so analogous to each other as to show a common origin 
and early history. Their villages were alike in all im- 
portant respects, in the material, the height and pe- 
culiar terrace form of the houses, in the smallness of 
the rooms and the presence of estufas, in the methods 
of ingress and of defense. Their dress was similar, 
their customs identical, their agricultural x)roducts the 
same, their pottery uniform in general design and orna- 
mentation. In all these respects they were unlike the 
tribes which surrounded them, and more similar to the 
civilized people of Mexico than to any who dwelt 
nearer. This is not the place to trace out all the feat- 
ures of resemblance, although the subject is one so 
interesting and inviting that it is difficult to forego its 
discussion ; but suffice it to say that everything in 
analogy, as well as in tradition, points to the truth of 
the words of Baron von Humboldt, where he says : 
''Everything in these countries appears to announce 
traces of the cultivation of the ancient Mexicans. We 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 21 

are informed, even by Indian traditions, that twenty 
leagues north from the Moqui, near the mouth of the 
Rio Zaguananae, the banks of the Nabajoa were the 
first abode of the Aztecs after their departure from 
Aztlan. On considering the civilization which exists 
on several points of the north-west coast of America, 
in the Moqui, and on the banks of the Gila, we are 
tempted to believe (and I venture to repeat it here) that 
at the period of the migration of the Toultecs, the 
Acolhuos, and the Aztecs, several tribes separated from 
the great mass of the people to establish themselves in 
these northern regions " 

Without going into any details of early Mexican 
history, which Avould be out of place here, it is well to 
remember a few leading facts. The Toltecs started on 
their southern pilgrimage from the old home at Hue- 
huetlapallan in the far north-west; in the year 1 Tecpatl, 
which Clavigero considers equivalent to 596 of our era. 
" In every place to which they came," says that author, 
" they remained no longer than they liked it, or were 
easily accommodated with provisions. When they de- 
termined to make a longer stay they erected houses, and 
sowed the land with corn, cotton, and other plants, the 
seeds of which they had carried along with them to 
supply their necessities. In this wandering manner 
did they travel, always southward, for the space of 104 
years, till they arrived at a place to which they gave 
the name of Tollantziaco^ about fifty miles to the east of 
that spot where some centuries after was founded the 
famous city of Mexico." Twenty years later they 
moved forty miles westward and founded the city of Tol- 
lan,or Tula, named after their native country, and which 
continued as their capital. Gondra makes the date of 
their arrival in Anahuac 648, and the foundation of 
Tula 670; but for some reason he states the year of their 
departnre from the north as 544, or just a Mexican 
century (fifty-two years) earlier than the chronology of 



22 THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 

Clavigero. After them came the Chichimecas, likewise 
from the north, where their country was called Ama- 
quemecan (Mr. Short says " Amaquetepic," probably 
meaning the "Mountain of tlie Moquis'"), marching 
under Xolotl, the brother of their king, who had heard 
of the rich country to the south and was determined to 
found an independent empire. They were a less civil- 
ized and more violent people than the Toltecs, and 
Torquemada says that before the migration thoy lived 
in caves in the mountains, which may have some con- 
nection with our cave and clift dwellings. They were 
soon succeeded by the three princes of the Acolhuan 
nation, with a great host of followers, coming from 
Tenoacolhuacan, which we are told was near Ama- 
quemecan, and who by marriage with the daughters of 
King Xolotl became dominant in the valley of Mexico. 
And last came the Aztecs, who left their home in 
Aztlan, which Clavigero says was "a country situated 
to the north of the Gulf of California, according to what 
appears from the route they pursued in their migra- 
tion." They crossed the Colorado River and proceeded 
as far as the Gila, where they remained for some time ; 
the Casa Grande, of Arizona, now so well known 
through the descriptions of Emory, Bartlett, and others, 
and the sketches of Ross Browne, and at which both 
Marcos de Niza and Coronado stopped, being part of the 
remains of their city. From thence they journeyed to the 
place called the Casas Grandes, in Chihuahua, " where," 
says Clavigero, "the immense edifice still existing is 
constructed on the plan of those of New Mexico; that 
is, consisting of three floors with a terrace above them, 
and without any entrance to the under floor. The door 
for entrance to the building is on the second floor, so 
that a scaling-ladder is necessary ; and the inhabitants 
of New Mexico build in this manner, in order to be less 
exposed to the attacks of their enemies — putting out 
the scaling-ladder only for those to whom they give 



THE PUEELO ABOllIGINKS. 23 

admission to their house." The famous picture which 
was afterwards shown by Don Carlos de Siguenza to 
Dr. Gemeli Careri, in 1608, and co])ied in the history of 
the travels of the latter, and more recently reproduced 
in the interesting work on Mexican antiquities by the 
learned Ysidro R. Gondra, in Mexico, gives a graphic 
representation of the wanderings of the Aztecs from the 
time of their leaving Aztlan until their final settlement 
in Mexico. The; date of the commencement of this 
migration is given by Clavigero at 1170, and Boturnini, 
Veitia, etc., make it 1168 ; but there seems to be an error 
respecting this, for Gama puts it at 1064, and Humboldt, 
who had the benefit of all the earlier researches, at 1038 ; 
the principal discrepancy arising from the omission by 
the former writers of two Mexican centuries amounting 
to 104 years. 

The historical picture referred to was found on a 
sheet of maguey paper, thirty-three inches long by 
twenty-one in width, and hieroglyphically represents 
each of the places at which the Aztecs remained for any 
length of time, during their journe}^ After a repre- 
sentation of an ancient flood, in which only one man 
and one woman w^ere saved, and in the history of which 
a dove plays an important part, the picture presents the 
march of tlie Aztecs from " a place of magpies," (called 
by Gondra " flamingoes "), through " a place of grottoes," 
"a place of the death's head," " the woody place of the 
eagle," " chalco, the place of the precious stone," '^ the 
place of passes," " a whirlpool where the river is swal- 
lowed," etc., to the final arrival at Chapultepec, " the 
hill of grasshoppers," to which they came in 1245. 

The legend of their seeing the eagle perched on the 
cactus, and in obedience to that omen determining to 
found their capital on that spot, gave rise to the emblem 
on the Mexican coat-of-arms, and is well known ; but 
can be no more than thus briefly alluded to in this place. 

Whether the aborigines of New Mexico are of Toltec 



24 THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 

or Aztec origin, there can be little doubt that they are 
a portion of one or the other of thcye nations that for 
some reason was left behind in the great migrations. It 
will be observed that all of the successive waves of pop- 
ulation that succeeded each other in Mexico came from 
the north-west. They all appear to have taken about 
the same route through Arizona. Tlicir journeys were 
not continuous, nor with any predetermined plan as to 
the locality of ultimate settlement. On the contrary, 
they sometimes occupied centuries, and the moving na- 
tion stopped for man}' years at places whicli suited its 
convenience or its fancy. There is nothing unnatural 
in the supposition that an offshoot from the Toltecs or 
the Aztecs settled along the rivers of New Mexico, while 
the main body of their people was in that vicinity, and 
when the general migration continued still farther to 
the southward, remained contentedly in the homes they 
had established. In no other way can we account for 
the existence of an intelligent people, living in great 
houses of excellent workmanship and most admirabl}- 
adapted for defense against all the weapons of that day; 
with successful agriculture, skillful manufacturers, and 
an excellent system of government; — existing in the 
midst of the savage and wandering tribes without home 
or property, wlio surrounded them. And their own tra- 
ditions, though vague and unsatisfactory, all point to 
the same origin. The name of Montezuma runs tlirough 
all of these (not generally referring to the king whom 
we are accustomed to identify with that name, but to 
the great chief of the golden or heroic age — the demi- 
god of their earliest traditions, watching over them 
from heaven and waiting to come again to bring to 
them victory and a period of millenial glory and hap- 
piness)'. They call themselves the People of Montezuma, 
or the Children of the Sun; for the sun was the real ob- 
ject of their adoration. The use of the estufa for re- 
ligious and other important purposes is universal, and 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 25 

its origin is attributed to Montezuma. The little idol 
representing God seen at one of the pueblos, and de- 
scribed by W. W. H. Davis, was called Montezuma. 
Their ancient dramatic dances generally represent 
Montezuma and Malinche. 

One tradition is that they came from Shipop in the 
far north-west, beyond the sources of the most distant 
branches of the Rio Grande. They were wanderers and 
lived in caves and sheltered canons. For awhile they 
sojourned at Acoma, the birthplace of Montezuma, who 
became their ruler and guide. He taught them to 
build pueblos with lofty houses, and to construct es- 
tufas wherein was to be kept the sacred fire, ever 
guarded by chosen priests. Pecos was founded by him, 
and here for a long time he dwelt. He planted a tall 
tree, saying that when he disappeared a foreign race 
would t3^rannize over his people, and there would also 
be lack of rain; but they were constantly to watch the 
sacred fire until that tree should fall, when white men 
would appear from the East to overthrow their oppress- 
ors ; then he would himself return to reign, and peace, 
with plenty and great riches, would prevail. And this 
they say was in part fulfilled by the coming of the 
Americans; and that the sacred tree fell as Gen. Kear- 
ney entered Santa Fe. 

The fire in the estufa at Pecos was carefully guarded 
for hundreds of years, by vigils which grew in rigor as 
the number of participants decreased, until less than 
half a century ago the Indians at that pueblo became 
so reduced in numbers that they determined to abandon 
their home, and preserving the sacred fire with jealous 
and untiring care, they carried it still burning to the 
pueblo of Jemez, where their own language was spoken 
and where they and their descendants still live. 

Lieut. Simpson relates that Hosta, his guide, and a 
very .intelligent Pueblo Indian, said of the great 
pueblos in the Chaco valley, that " they were built by 



26 THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 

Montezuma and his people when on their way from 
the north to the region of the Rio Grande and to Okl 
Mexico," and, " that after ])eing there for a wdiile they 
dispersed, some of them going east and settling on the 
Rio Grande, and others south into Old Mexico." Mr. 
Short, in his "North Americans of Antiquity/' says: 
" The many-sided culture-hero of the Pueblos, Monte- 
zuma, is the centre of a group of the most poetic myths 
found in ancient American mythology. The Pueblos 
believed in a supreme being — a good spirit, so exalted 
and worthy of reverence that his name was considered 
too sacred to mention, as with the ancient Hebrews 
Jehovah's was the 'unmentionable name.' Nevertheless, 
^lontezuma was the equal of tliis great s^^irit, and was 
often considered identical with the Sun. The variety 
of aspects in which Montezuma is presented to us is due 
to the fact that each tribe of the Pueblos had its partic- 
ular legends concerning his birth and achievements. 
]Many places in New Mexico claim the honor of his 
nativity at a period long before those village-builders 
were acquainted with the arts of architecture which 
have since given them their distinguishing name; in 
fact, this culture-god w^as none other than the genius 
who introduced the knowledge of building among them. 
Some traditions, however, make him the ancestor and 
even the creator of the race ; others its prophet, leader, 
and lawgiver." Mr. Bancroft says, on the same subject : 
" Under restrictions, we may fairly regard him as the 
Melchizedek, the Moses, and the Messiah of these Pueblo 
desert-wanderers from an Egypt that history is ignorant 
of, and whose name even tradition whispers not. He 
taught his people how to build cities with tall houses, 
to constriicc estufas, or semi-sacred sweat-houses, and to 
kindle and guard the sacred fire." It has been aptly 
remarked by Mr. Tyler, that Montezuma was the great 
"somebody" of the tribe to whom the qualities and 
achievements of every other were attributed. The 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 27 

legends of Montezuma are almost innumerable, and as 
various and contradictory as cOuld v/ell be imagined. 
In some of them an abrupt connection takes place be- 
t^veen Montezuma, the demi-god of the golden age, and 
Montezuma who was conquered by Cortez; but no doubt 
the latter idea was engrafted after the Spanish occupa- 
tion. 

At some of the pueblos are old documents which are 
apparently legends of tlie conquest of Mexico. These 
are held in great veneration, and are guarded most care- 
fully against the prying eye of the stranger. Meline, 
in his " Two Thousand Miles on Horseba.ck," quotes one 
of these which was with great difficulty obtained for a 
few minutes by the Indian Agent, Major Greiner, in 
1862, at the San Juan Pueblo, and of which he made a 
hasty copy. The following are a few passages to show 
the style, although the legend is probably not of very 
ancient origin, and seems to include matter suggested 
by the early priests in order to lessen the opposition to 
the introduction of Christianity. It opens with Cortez 
as speaker : '' They will respect and obey me in what- 
ever I will command. I will teach tliem the law of Jesus 
Christ, God of Heaven, him unto whom all should ren- 
der infinite thanks for the benefaction about to be 
received by the Children of the Sun ; that they should 
always cheerfully receive the w^aters of baptism." 
" From this issued much pleasure among all the people, 
dances taking place in which there was shown no ran- 
cor against the Children of the Sun ; and seeing this, 
the King Montezuma said to the great Cortez that as 
his children had so much joy in being transferred to 
the control of Cortez, he charged him that he would 
treat them with great kindness." " Cortez said to the 
King, 'I wish you to tell me concerning how many prov- 
inces has New Mexico, and its mines of gold and silver.' 
The rflonarch said, ' I will respond to you forever as you 
have to me. I command this ]>rovince, which is the 



28 THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 

first of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Teguayo, which gov- 
erns 102 pueblos. There is a great mine near b}-, in 
which they cut with stone hatchets the gold of my 
crown. Tlie great province of Zufii, where was born 
the great JNlalinclie. This pu«^blo is very large, full of 
Indians of light complexion who are governed well. 
In this province is a silver mine, and its capital con- 
trols eighteen puel)los. The province of Moqui. The 
province of the Navajoes. The great province of the 
Gran Quivira, that governs the pueblos of the Queres 
and the Taiios. These provinces have different tongues, 
which only LaMalinche understands. The province of 
Acoma, in which is a silver mine in a blackish colored 
hill.' Seeing this, the great monarch sent Malinche to 
these provinces to new conquests." 

As will appear furtlier on, when the Europeans first 
entered the country the natives were found living in 
well-built cities of stone and adobe, composed of houses 
from three to five stories high, usually built around a 
plaza, the stories decreasing in size at each floor, so that 
the whole pueblo was of a terrace shape. Their numbed 
was then very large. If Espejo's figures are correct, 
the population must have been nearly or quite 300,000, 
as he counts 234,000 in the nine provinces of which he 
states the population; and this does not include Zuni, 
nor the first two that he passed through on the river. 
Probably this is considerably exaggerated, but yet no 
one can be acquainted with the vast ruins which exist 
all over the country from the canons of the Colorado, 
the San Juan, the Chelly, and the Chaco, at Abiquiu, 
Ojo Caliente, and all through the valley of the Rio 
Grande, to the now desert country of the south-east 
around Gran Quivira— without recognizing that a nu- 
merous, intelligent, and industrious people lived there 
before the Christians ever heard of the Seven Cities of 
Cibola; and it is not extravagant to put the population 
at 150,000 at least. 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 29 

The architecture of the Pueblos was analogous to 
that of the Aztecs of Mexico; and indeed as nearly sij^i- 
ilar as the varied circumstances relative to material and 
the requirements for defense would permit. They were 
constructed of adobe, of cobble-stones and adobe mortar, 
of hewn stone and mortar^ or of matched stOne, carefully 
put together witliout mortar, as the case might be. At 
Quarra the walls yet standing show the buildings to 
have been of red sandstone, the pieces used being not 
more than two inches thick, the walls two feet wide, 
and the outer face dressed off to a plain surface. The 
walls of Abo, according to Lieut. Abert's description, 
were " beautifully finished, so that no architect could 
improve the exact smoothness of their exterior surface.'' 
The ruins west of the Rio Grande, neo-r San Yldefonso, 
are of buildings made of blocks of lava or malpais, 
roughly squared and put together with adobe mortar; 
the blocks are comparatively small. Some of the great 
l)ueblos on the Chaco (first described by Lieut. Simpson 
in 1849) were built of tabular pieces of sandstone, laid 
with adobe mortar; the stones being trom three to six 
inches in thickness, and from six to eighteen inches in 
length. The Pueblo Bonito showed great beauty and 
preci.-ion in its masonr3^ The material was a firm, 
hard, gray sandstone, in blocks of a uniform thickness 
of three inches, and laid without mortar ; the joints are 
always carefully broken, and the crevices between the 
ends filled with thin pieces of stone, not over one-fourth 
of an inch thick. In the Pueblo of Penasco Blanco the 
manner of building was ''a regular alternation of large 
and small stones, the effect of which is both unique and 
beautiful. The largest stones, which are about one foot 
in length and one-half foot in thickness, form but a 
single bed, and then alternating with these, are three 
or four beds of very small stones, each about an inch in 
thickness." These ruins in the Canons of Chaco and 
Chelly are of special interest because there is no possi- 



30 THE PUEBLO ABOUIGINES. 

bility of Spanish influence on the architecture, as there 
may have been at Quarra and Abu. 

The general design of all the great pueblos was the 
same. They were communal ouildings, or as some late 
archieologists word it, '^joint-tenement houses." They 
contained from 50 to 500 apartments, and would ac- 
commodate from 200 to 1,000 inhabitants. A whole 
town was contained in one building; or rather, perhaps, 
we should say, all the houses of a town were built to- 
gether, forming one continuous structure. In this they 
resembled the edifices further to the south. *' From 
Zuni to Cuzco," says Mr. L. H Morgan, "at the time of 
the Spanish conquest, the mode of domestic life in all 
these joint-tenant houses must have been substantially 
the same." Speaking of the Pueblo of Hungo Pavie 
(which Simpson's Report describes as 300 feet long, 
with wings each 144 feet in length, three stories high, 
in terrace form, and built of stone, the first story con- 
taining seventy-two apartments, the second forty- 
eight, and the third twenty-fuur) Mr. Morgan says: 
" We may recognize in this edifice a substantial re- 
production of the miscalled 'palace' of Montezuma 
in the Pueblo of Mexico, which, like this, was con- 
structed upon the three sides of a court, in the 
terraced form* and two stories high. In the light 
which these New Mexican houses throw upon those of 
the Mexicans, the house occupied by Montezuma is seen 
to have been a joint-tenement house of the American 
model. It is therefore unnecessary to call any of these 
structures palaces in order to account for their size, or 
to assume a condition of society in which the palace of 
the ruler was built by the forced labor of his subjects." 
Some of the pueblo edifices were of great size. 
Among those in the Chaco Canon that of Wege-gi 
was 700 feet in circumference, and contained 99 
rooms; Chethro- Kettle, 1,300 feet, and 124 rooms; 
Penasco Blanco, 1,700 feet, and 112 rooms on ground- 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 31 

floor; and the Pueblo Bonito was 544 feet long, 314 in 
width, and contained G41 rooms. The ruined Paeblo of 
Chipillo, west of San Yldefonso, measures 320 feet by 
300, surrounding a plaza containing two estufas; and 
the Cuesta Blanca Pueblo, not far distant, is 450 feet in 
length. The ruins of most of these buildings, and not- 
ably those in the Chaco Canon and Canon de Chelly, 
agree exactly with Castaneda's description of the large 
pueblos which Coronado visited in the Rio Grande val- 
ley ; as they were built around courts, with a high, 
straight wall on the outside, without openings for either 
doors or windows, and terraced in stories on the inside 
like an amphitheatre. All were furnished with estufas, 
some as large as sixty feet in diameter, and frequently 
considerable in number. Sj^eaking of the analogy be- 
tween these buildings and those of Mexico and Central 
America, Mr. Morgan says: "These seem to have been 
the finest structures north of Yucatan, and the largest 
ever erected by the Indians of North America. There 
is no reason for suj^posing that the Pueblo of Mexico 
contained any structures superior to them in character." 
What gives special interest to the pueblo dwellings 
of New Mexico is that nowhere else on the continent 
are buildings still inhabited precisely as they were 
when Columbus discovered America. In several in- 
stances, as at Taos and in the western pueblos, the 
people are now living in identically the same houses 
which were then occupied. " These pueblos," says the 
author last above quoted, ''were contem^^orary with the 
Pueblo of Mexico, captured by Cortez in 1520." The 
buildings at Taos are about 250 feet long, 130 feet deep, 
and five stories high. While they are irregular in form, 
and rudely built in comparison with some of those de- 
scribed by Castaiieda and the stone structures of the 
Chaco, yet they preserve the general idea and the an- 
cient manner of living in all essential respects. An- 
other point of similarity between the pueblos of New 



32 THE PUEBLO ABOKIGINES. 

Mexico and those situated ftirther south, is the custom 
of building on the tops of hills, or mesas. This was the 
usual course with the older pueblos in New Mexico, the 
great majority of the ruined villages being so situated. 
Acoma is the best illustration among existing pueblos; 
but Zuni, the town on the " Moro," and man)- ruins in 
the valley of the Rio Grande and its tributnrios, show 
how usual it was in the days when safety had to be con- 
sidered more than convenience — a number being so 
situated as to be practicably impregnable. It is well 
known that similar situations were selected for many 
Mexican pueblos. 

When the Spaniards first settled in the country, the 
pueblos were divided into four groups, by reason mainly 
of difference of language. These were the Piros, Teguas, 
Queres, and Taiios. Such a distinction still exists — 
five entirely distinct languages (not dialects of one 
language) being in use. So far as existing pueblos are 
concerned this division is as follows ;- — 

1. Santa Ana, San Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, 
Acoma, Zia, and Laguna. 

2. San Juan, Santa Clara, San Yldefonso, Nam.be 
Pojuaque, and Tesuque. 

3. TaoSj Picuris, Sandia, and Isleta. 

4. Jemez. 

5. Zuiii. 

The first represent the Queres group, the second the 
Teguas, and the third the Piros. In the early records 
the Zunis and Moquis are counted as belonging to the 
Queres, and they were probably originally of the same 
stock. 

Several curious features are presented by this subject, 
the first being the fact itself of this very difference in 
language among a people in other respects almost 
entirely identical, possessing the same appearance, 
customs, mode of living, manufactures and agriculture. 
The language of the Tegua towns is almost entirely 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 3B 

monosyllabic; the words in the Queres group are 
usually of two syllables, and the language of the Piros 
rejoices in words of extraordinary length, as does also 
that of Zuiii. Take as an examj^le the word '^ earth," 
one of the first employed in any language. In Queres 
it is hah-ats ; in Tegua, naA; in Piros, pah-han-nah ; in 
•Jemez, doch-ah ; in Zuni, ou-loch-nan-nay. What is 
yery singular is that the distribution of these languages 
is not geographical ; that the groups are not compact 
divisions, but lap over each other in the situation of 
their towns. For example, at Taos in the north and 
Isleta in the south, the same language is spoken ; but 
between them are all the Tegua towns and many of the 
Queres, covering the most of the central valley of the 
Rio Grande. Again, the language spoken at Pecos was 
identical with that used at Jemez, but none of the inter- 
vening pueblos were acquainted with it ; so that when 
the former Pueblo of Pecos w'as abandoned by its in- 
habitants, they had to pass by the Queres pueblos of 
Santo Domingo, Santa' Ana, Zia, etc., before finding a 
resting-place where their speech w^as intelligible. The 
languages are so entirely different that the people of 
different pueblos, not of the same nation, usually talk to 
each other in Spanish, with which all are more or less 
acquainted. 

The Tanos pueblos are all extinct, not one remaining 
to represent this once powerful nation. These were 
situated along the Galisteo, and south of it, including 
probably Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, and at one 
time were numerous, thickly populated, and influential. 
Espejo estimated the number of Tanos Indians at 40,000 ; 
though this was probably an exaggeration. Several 
of these pueblos existed during the earlier Spanish 
occupation, but they appear to have been destroyed or 
abandoned in the wars between the Pueblos that were 
so fatal to the native races and towns during the years 
of the Indian supremacy, from 1681 to 1693. The one 



34 TITE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 

whose locality is best known to modern travellers is the 
Pueblo of San Marcos, though San Lazaro and San 
Cristobal are frequently mentioned in the earlier 
histories. 

In the time of Coronado's expedition, there were 
seventy pueblos, according to Castaneda's list, as fol- 
lows: Cibola, 7; Tucaya, 7; Acuco, 1; Tiguex, 12; 
Tutahaco, 8 ; Quivix, 7 ; Snowy Mountains, 7 ; Ximena 
3; Cicuye, 1 ; Jemez, 7; Aguas Calientes, 3 ; Yuque- 
yunque, 6; Braba, 1; Chia, 1, Forty years afterward, 
Espejo described the provinces, and so far as can be as- 
certained the number of pueblos had slightly increased. 
He enumerated them as follows : On the Rio Grande, 
near Isleta, 10 ; Teguas, 14 ; province on the west ad- 
joining Cibola, 11; Queres, 5; Cunames (Zia, etc.), 5; 
Amies, 7 ; Acoma, 1 — being fifty-three in all ; to which 
are to be added those of the provinces that he describes, 
but neglects to state the number of villages in, as Cibola, 
or Zufii, which we can call seven, Zaguate and the 
other Moqui towns, which were five,*and the provinces 
of the Tubians and the Tafios, whose population he 
placed at 25,000 and 40,000, respectively, which, at the 
usual ratio, would represent twenty-five or thirty 
pueblos, but which was no doubt largely exaggerated 
as he gave the figures from hearsay, and probal)ly did 
not represent more than fifteen. Calling the number in 
these two nations fifteen would give us eighty pueblos 
in all, existing in 1582. At the present they are reduced 
in numbers to twenty-five, being nineteen in the valley 
of the Rio Grande and its tributaries ; one at Zuni and 
the five Moqui towns ; which latter have been the least 
disturbed in the course of centuries. How or when 
did the number become so greatly reduced ? Partly, we 
believe, by the consolidation of small neighboring 
pueblos into one, during the Spanish occupation, and 
more largely by the destruction and abandonment of 
villages in the wars between themselves, which occurred 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. • 35 

in the period of the Pueblo control, from 1681 to 1696. 
Tlie decree of the Emperor Charles V., issued from 
Cigales, March 21, 1551, specially looking to the concen- 
tration of the peaceful native population into a moder- 
ate number of towns, took effect of course in Xevv Mexico, 
as soon as it was under Spanish control. The object, 
which was spiritual as well as temporal, is set forth in 
the decree as follows, — 

" The eff"ort has been made with much care, and 
particular attention, to make use of such means as are 
most suitable for the instruction of the Indians in the 
Holy Catholic faith and spiritual law, to the end that, 
forgetting their ancient rites and ceremonies, they might 
live in fellowship under established rule; and in order 
that this object might be obtained with the greatest cer- 
tainty, the members of our council of the Indies, and other 
religious persons, on different occasions met together, 
and in the year 1546, by order of the Emperor Charles 
v., of glorious memory, there convened the prelates of 
New Spain, who, desiring to render service to God and 
ourselves, resolved that the Indians should be brought 
to settle — reduced to pueblos — and that thf^y should not 
live divided and separated by mountains and hills, 
depriving themselves of all benefit, spiritual or tem- 
poral, without aid from our agents, and that assistance 
which human wants require men mutually to render 
one another. 

"And in order that the propriety of this resolution 
might be recognized, the kings, judges, presidents, and 
governors were charged and commanded by different 
orders of the kings, our predecessors, that with much 
mildness and moderation they should carry into effect 
the reduction, settlement, and instruction of the In- 
dians, acting with so much justice and delicacy that with- 
out causing any difficulty a motive might be presented 
to those who could not be brought to settle, in the hope 
that as soon as they witnessed the ^ood treatment and 



36 THE PUEBLO ABOiaGINES. 

protection of such a,s had been reduced to pueblos, they 
might consent to offer themsdves of their own accord; 
and whereas the above was executed in the larger part 
of our Indies, therefore we ordain and command that 
in all the other portions care be taken that it be carried 
into efifect, and the agents should urge it according to, 
and in the form declared by, the laws of this title." 

This decree was intended, nt the time, for the prov- 
inces of New Spain, to the south, but there can be little 
doubt, from various circun^ stances, that it was acted on 
in New Mexico during the seventeenth century, and 
resulted in the consolidation of numbers of small, ad- 
jacent pueblos, bringing the people to the central village, 
in which was the church, and the priest, and the local 
civil authority. The great reduction in the number of 
the native villages took place, however, during the brief 
period of Pueblo government, after the expulsion of the 
Spaniards in 1681. When Vargas made the reconquest, 
twelve to fifteen years later, he found ruined and aban- 
doned pueblo* everywhere. Mutual jealousies, and the 
struggle for food caused by the successive failures of 
crops, had caused almost constant wars, in which villages 
had been destroyed by the enemy, or abandoned by their 
inhabitants in advance of a siege. The result was, that 
at the time of the final pacification under Spanish au- 
thority, say in 1696, the number of pueblos differed very 
little from that existing at present. The ofiicial list 
made by Governor Mendoza in May, 1742, is as folloAvs 
(exclusive of thcrMoquis), — 

"Taos, Picuries, San Juan, San Ildefonso, Santa 
Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, and Tesuque, north of Santa 
Fe; Pecos east, and Galisteo south of Santa Fe; Cochiti, 
Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Zia, Jemez, 
Laguna, Acoma, Zuni, and Isleta south or west of 
Santa Fe." 

In 1796, and again in 1798, tne missionaries in 
charge made reports of the population of the different 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 37 

pueblos, in which the lists of villages only differ from 
the above in the dropping of Galisteo and the addition 
of Sandia and Abiquiu Galisteo had been abandoned 
in the interval (the remaining inhabitants having re- 
moved to Santo Domingo, with whose people they had 
extensively intermarried), and Sandia had been estab- 
lished under peculiar circumstances, which will be here- 
after referred to. At Abiquiu 176 Indians are stated 
to live, but whether at the pueblo on the hill (now de- 
serted and in ruins), or in connection with the Spanish 
town, does not appear. 124 Indians are also reported at 
Belen. The total Pueblo population at the time, ac- 
cording to these statistics, was 9,453 in 1796, and 9,732 
in 1798. In 1805 Governor Alencaster prepared a com- 
plete census of all the inhabitants of New Mexico (di- 
vided, by races), according to which the Spanish popu- 
lation was 26,805, and the Pueblos 8,172. The list of 
pueblos, with their mission names and population, ap- 
pearing in his report, is as follows : — 

San Geronimo de Taos 508 

San Lorenzo de Picuries 250 

San Juan de los Caballeros 194 

Santo Tomas de Abiquiu 134 

Santa Clara „ 186 

San Ildefonso = 175 

San Francisco de Nambe -. 143 

N. S. de Guadalupe de Pojuaque 100 

San Diego de Tesuque 131 

N. S. de los Angeles de Pecos 104 

San Buena Ventura de Cochiti 656 

Santo Domi«igo 333 

San Felipe .^. 289 

N. S. de los Dolores de Sandia 314 

San Diego de Jemez 264 

K. S. de la Asumpcion de Zia 254 

Santa Ana 450 

San Agustin del Isleta ; 419 

N.S.de Belen 107 , 

San Estevan de Acoma 731 

San Josef de La Laguna 940 

N, S. de Guadalupede Zuni 1470 

Both Albiquiu and Belen are reported with large 
^anish populations, so that it does not appear whether 



38 THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 

the Indians were in separate pueblos there or not. This 
list, it will be observed, agrees perfectly with that of 
1796. The report of Lieut. Whipple (Pacific R. R. Sur- 
veys, 35° parallel) contains the same list, with the addi- 
tion of Cuyamangue and Chilili. But their insertion 
was a mistake, as both were destroyed in the Pueblo 
revolt 160 years before. An old deed ii. che archives at 
Santa Fe refers to "Cuyamangue, a pueblo abandoned 
and in ruin, since the insurrection in 1696 by the native 
Tegua Indians of said pueblo." Since Gov. Alencaster's 
census, no change has taken place, except in the abandon- 
ment of the Pueblo of Pecos by the removal of its surviv- 
ing inhabitants to Jemez. We are, therefore, safe in 
saying that the Pueblo towns exist to-day as they did 
at the final reconquest in 1696, with the exception of 
abandonment of Galisteo and Pecos, and possibly of the 
pueblo near Albiquiu, and the establishment of Sandia ; 
the great reduction in numbers as previously stated, 
havingtaken place in the 17th century. 

The circumstances of the establishment of the Pueblo 
of Sandia, which is the only modern one, were as follows : 
In 1748 Friar Juan Miguel Meuchero, Preacher and 
Delegate, Commissary General, made a petition to the 
Governor, in which he stated that for six years he had 
been engaged in missionary work among the Indians, 
and had " converted and gained over 350 souls from here 
to the Puerco River, which I have brought from the 
Moqui Pueblos ; bringing with me the cacique of these 
Moqui Pueblos for the purpose of establishing their 
pueblo at the place called Sandia," and thereupon asked 
for possession of the land at that point *'so as to pre- 
vent any converts from returning to apostasy." There- 
upon the Governor made the desired grant, and the new 
pueblo was established in due form by the name of 
"Our Lady of Sorrows and Saint Anthony of Sandia." 

From the beginning the Spanish authorities sought 
first to conciliate, and afterwards to protect the pueblo^ 



THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES. 39 

by confirming to them considerable tracts of land 
around each village. The decree of Philip II., in June, 
1587, had special reference to this subject, and the 
limits were afterwards extended until in most cases the 
pueblo land constituted a square — measured one league 
in each direction from the parish church. 

In local government the pueblos have always been 
practically independent ; each one elects annually a 
governor, a war captain, and a fiscal, and in each is a 
cacique, usually an aged man, who holds his position for 
life, and is consulted on all matters of special importance. 
These oflicials govern the community according to their 
own rules of justice, and to this time no criminal com- 
plaint has ever been made by one Pueblo Indian against 
another in any Territorial court. Industrious, frugal, 
honest, and hospitable, they still retain the character- 
istics which were noticeable in the days of Cabeza de 
Vaca and Coronado, and remain in the midst of surround- 
ing changes the most interesting existing illustration 
of the higher aboriginal life of the native American 
people. 



CHAPTER III. 



CABEZA DE VACA. 

THE first European to set foot on New Mexican soil, 
to meet with any of its original inhal)itants, and 
see the " fixed habitntions " in which they dwelt, was 
Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, who came not as a con- 
queror, a missionary, or even an explorer, but by an ac- 
cident, which led him through this portion of the con- 
tinent while endeavoring to reach some European settle- 
ment, after long years of wanderings, sufferings, and 
virtual imprisonment. He came of noble lineage, and 
held many high positions, but that which carries his 
name down on the page of history most securely is his 
brief connection with New Mexico. Here his name 
stands at the head of the roll, his narration is the first 
written word descriptive of the country and its people ; 
he can claim to be its discoverer, and the father of all 
Europearfs who came after. Among the people of New 
Mexico his name will always be held in veneration, and 
every circumstance connected with his famous journey 
be considered of interest. On tliis account, and because 
it so thoroughly illustrates the methods of thp early 
Spanish expeditions and conquests, and the condition 
of the natives in various sections surrounding New 
Mexico, as well as within its borders, we give it an ex- 
tended space. 

The expedition of Panphilo de Narvaez set sail from 
San Lucar de Barrameda, on the 17th of June, 1527 ; its 
object being the conquest and colonization of the main- 
land of Florida, Narvaez having been empowered by the 
Emperor Charles V. to take possession of all the coun- 
try from the Rio de la Palsmas to the southerly ex- 



CABEZA DE VACA. 41 

tremity of Florida, and to assume the government 
thereof. This Rio de las Palmas was on the east coast 
of Mexico, 100 leagues north of Vera Cruz, so that the 
country which was to be occupied and governed em- 
braced all of the present States of the Union bordering 
on the Gulf of Mexico, besides a part of north-eastern 
Mexico itself; in which was included New Mexico. 
The principal officers of the fleet, under the Governor, 
were Cabeza de Vaca, who was Treasurer of the expedi- 
tion, and had the title of High Sheriff; Alonzo Enri- 
quez. Comptroller ; Alonzo de Soils, Royal Distributor 
and Assessor; and for spiritual duties, five Franciscan 
Friars, headed by Juan Xuarez, who was also Com- 
missary. 

The manner in which the expedition was under- 
taken appears from the petition of Narvaez to the 
king of Spain, and the order made thereupon ; all 
of which are still in the "Archivo de Indias" at 
Seville. The following extracts from the * petition 
quaintly show the objects and ambition of the leader: 

"Sacred Cesarean Catholic Majesty: In-as-much 
as I, Panfilo de Narvaez, have ever had and still have the 
intention of serving God and Your Majesty, I desire to 
go in person with my means to a certain country on 
the main of the Ocean Sea. I propose chiefly to traffic 
with the natives of the coast, and to take thither re- 
ligious men and ecclesiastics, approved of your Royal 
Council of the Indii'S, that they may make known and 
plant the Christian Faith. I shall observe fully what 
your Council require and ordain to the ends of serving 
God and Your Highness, and for the good of your sub- 
jects. I propose to undertake this in person, with my 
experience in those countries, and when the occasion 
shall present itself, to the extent of my property, which, 
to God be the praise, I have to employ in that enter- 
prise, and am ready to make manifest when that shall 
become necessary. I ask that the subjugation of the 



42 CABEZA DE VACA. 

countries from the Rio de Palmas to Florida might be 
given me, where I would explore, conquer, populate, 
and discover all there is to be found of Florida in those 
parts, at my cost; and to that end I beg Your High- 
ness to bestow on me as follows: Your Majesty be 
pleased to make me Governor and Chief Justice for my 
term of life, and Captain General, with adequate salary 
for each. I entreat Your Majesty to confer on me the 
High Constabulary of said lands I shall people in your 
Royal name, for me, my heirs, and successors. I entreat 
Your Majesty to grant me the tenth of all that you may 
have of royal rents forever. 1 ask that Your Majesty 
will make me Adelantado of those territories, fo? me, my 
heirs, and successors, That Indians who shall be 
rebellious after being well admonished and comprehend- 
ing, may be made slaves, etc." 

The order made by the Council was that the king 
concedes the conquest requested to Narvaez on condition 
that he take no less than 200 colonists from Spain, 
founding at least two towns ; and he was made Gavernor 
with a salary of 100,000 maravedis, and Captain Gen- 
eral, with a salary of 50^000, besides being Adelantado. 
He was furnished with a proclamation to be made 'Ho 
the inhabitants of the countries and provinces that 
there are from Rio de Palmas to the Cape of Florida," 
which is interesting as showing the grounds to the 
Spanish claim of sovereignty over America. It reads in 
part as follows : '' In behalf of the Catholic Caesarean 
Majesty of Don Carlos, King of the Romans and Em- 
peror ever Augustus, and Dona Juana, his mother, 
Sovereigns of Leon andCastilla, Defenders of the Church, 
ever victors, never vanquished, and rulers of barbarous 
nations, I, Panfilo de Narvaez, his servant, messenger, 
and captain, notify and cause you to know in the best 
manner I can, that God our Lord, one and eternal, 
created the heaven and the earth. All these, nations 
God our Lord gave in charge to one person called Saint 



CABEZA DE VACA. 43 

Peter, that he might be master and superior over man- 
kind, to be obeyed and be heard of all the human race 
where-so-ever they might live and be, of whatever law, 
sect, or belief, givin.s^ him the whole world for his king- 
dom, lordship, and jurisdiction. This Saint Peter was 
obeyed and taken for King, Lord, and Superior of the 
Universe by those who lived at that time, and so like- 
wise have all the rest been held, who to the Pontificate 
Avere afterward elected, and thus has it continued until 
now, and will continue to the end of things. One of 
the Popes who succeeded him to that seat and dignity, 
of which I spake as Lord of the world, made a gift of 
these islands and main of the Ocean Sea to the said 
Emperor and Queen, and their successors, our Lords in 
these Kingdoms, with all that is in them, as is contained 
in certain writings that thereupon took place, which 
may be seen if you desire." 

Having thus demonstrated the rightful power of the 
sovereign, the proclamation calls on them " to recognize 
the Church as Mistress and Superior of the Universe, 
and the High Pontiff, called Papa, in its name ; the 
Queen and King our masters, in their place as Lords 
Superiors, and Sovereigns of these Islands and the main, 
by virtue of said gift. If you shall do so, you will do 
w^ell in what you are held and obliged ; and their 
Majesties, and I, in their Royal name, will receive you 
with love and charity. If you do not this, and of malice 
you be dilatory, I protest to you that with the help of 
Our Lord I will enter with force, making war upon you 
from all directions and in every manner that I may be 
able, when I will subject you to obedience to the Church 
and the yoke of their Majesties ; and I will take the 
persons of yourselves, your wives, and your children, to 
make slaves, sell and dispose of you as their Majesties 
shall think fit; and I will take your goods, doing you 
all the injury that I may be able." 

As the peculiar interest which the student of New 



44 CABEZA DE VACA. 

Mexican historj^ feels in this expedition arises from the 
narrative of Cabeza de Vaca of the long journey of him- 
self and the other three survivors of the party across the 
continent, in the course of which they traversed New 
Mexico, and were thus the first Europeans who ever 
visited our territory, we give some particulars of his 
personal history, before proceeding with the account of 
the expedition itself. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 
came from one of the oldest and most renowned of 
Spanish families, whose lineage a chronological history 
traces back to the 12th centur3\ His grandfather was 
the Conqueror of the Canary Islands, and from him came 
his proper patronymic of Vera; but for reasons unknown 
he preferred the name of his mother's house, " Cabeza 
de Vaca," or " Cow's Head." Various accounts are given 
of the origin of this rather undignified appellation, of 
which we reproduce the one narrated by M. Ternaux, 
in the preface to his French translation of Cabeza de 
Vaca's Commentaries : " In the month of July, 1212, 
the Christian army, commanded by the kings of Castile, 
Aragon, and Navarre, advanced against the Moors ; and 
arriving at Castro-Ferrel, found all the passes occupied 
by the enemy. The Christians were about to return on 
their steps, when a burger named Martin Alhaja pre- 
sented himself to the King of Navarre, and offered to 
indicate a route by which the army could pass without 
obstacles. The king sent him with Don Diego Lopez de 
Naro and Don Garcia Romen; in order that they might 
recognize the pass, Alhajo placed at the entrance the 
skeleton of the head of a cow (Cabeza de Vaca.) The 
twelfth of the same month the Christians gained the 
battle of Navas de Tolosa, which assured forever their 
supremacy over the Moors. The king recompensed 
Alhaja by ennobling him and his descendants, and to 
commemorate the event by which he had merited the 
honor, changed his name to Cabeza de Vaca." 

Our cavalier having been appointed Treasurer of 



CABEZA DE VACA. 45 

the new colony to be established, received a lengthy 
document of instruction, signed by the king and dated 
at Valladolid, February 15, 1527, which commences, 
" Wiiat you, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, will perform 
in the office you fill as our Treasurer of Rio de las 
Palmas and the lands which Panfilo de Narvaez goes to 
people, on whom we have conferred the government 
thereof, is as follows"— and proceeds with great par- 
ticularity to charge him with the collection of the 
various percentages, rents, duties, and fines belonging to 
the royal treasury, and as to the manner of safely 
transmitting the " gold, guanines (impure gold value'd 
by the nations of the Antillas partly for its odor), pearls, 
and other things," to the officials at Seville. 

Thus furnished with documents sufficient for the gov- 
ernment of an Empire, Narvaez and his companions 
started with five vessels and about six hundred men, and 
sailed first to Santo Domingo for the purpose of laying 
in stores and procuring horses, but their forty-five days 
stay at that island produced rather more loss than gain, 
as no less thanl40 men deserted the expedition to try their 
fortunes on the luxuriant shores. Here also an addi- 
tional ship was purchased and added to the fleet. They 
proceeded thence to Cuba, where a tremendous hurricane 
destroyed two of the vessels, with all the men and 
material on board. Cabeza de Vaca had command of one 
of them, and only escaped through his good fortune in 
being on shore at the time. He tells us that " nothing 
so terrible as this storm had ever been seen in these 
parts before;" and it must have been of tremendous force, 
as the only small boat that was ever found belonging to 
the lost vessels, was discovered in the branches of a tree 
at quite a distance from the shore. So tempestuous was 
the season that Narvaez determined to proceed no fur- 
ther until spring, and so the four remaining vessels 
wintered at Xagua, under the charge of Cabeza de Vaca. 
On the 22d of February, 1528, the fleet again set sail, 



4(J CABEZA DE VACA. 

having be(Mi augmented by the addition of a brigantine 
from Trinidad; but again misfortune foUowed it, as the 
vessels became grounded on the shoals called Canarreo 
and were detained there fifteen days ; and were overtaken 
by a great and dangerous storm at Guaniguanico, and 
another at Cape Corrientes. They then attem2)ted to 
reach Havana, but violent winds drove them northerly, 
and on Tuesday, April 12, they came in sight of land 
on the west coast of Florida ; and the next day, which 
was Holy Thursda}^ they anchored near the shore in a 
bay, at the head of which they saw some Indian habita- 
tions. 

On Good Friday the Governor landed with a number 
of men, but found, the houses all deserted, the inhabit- 
ants having fled in their canoes at night. Their houses 
were called " buhlos," and had double-shedded roofs, 
which were their distinguishing feature among Indian 
dwellings. One of these buildings, probably used for tri- 
bal purposes, was so large as to accommodate 300 persons. 
On Saturday the Governor raised the Sj^anfsh ensign 
and formally took possession of the country for his im- 
perial master. He proclaimed his authority to act as 
Governor, and was acknowledged as such ; and then the 
other officers presented their commissions for his in- 
spection. These formalities being concluded, the whole 
force was disembarked, as well as their horses ; but the 
latter had been reduced to forty-two in number during 
the passage, and were in wretched condition. 

On Easter day some of the natives appeared, and 
made signs for the Spaniards to leave the country ; but 
there being no interpreter present, they could only be 
imperfectly understood. The next day a party of forty 
men, under the Governor, Enriquez, Solis, and Cabeza 
de Vaca, commenced to explore the main-land toward 
the north, where they found a large bay stretching far 
inland, and soon afterward captured four Indians. (This 
bay was undoubtedly the Tampa Bay of our geographies.) 



CABEZA DE VACA. 



As the language was wholly unintelligible, recourse was 
had to signs; and various things were shown to the na- 
tives, to see if they w^ere acquainted with them before. 
Led by these Indians, the Spaniards went to their town 
at the head of the bay, where they found corn, linen 
and woolen cloth, and bunches of feathers, and what 
was the special object of all their expeditions — gold. 
On being asked whence these things came, the Indians 
pointed to the north, where they said was a great 
country called Apalache, which abounded not only in 
gold but in the other articles which the Spaniards de- 
sired. Ten or twelve leagues further on, the expedi- 
tion found another town> where a large amount of corn 
was cultivated; and soon after returned to the place 
where their ships and comrades were, and communi- 
cated the results of the trip. , 

The next day the Governor held a consultation with 
the principal officers, and some others in whom he had 
confidence, as to the best course to be pursued. He de- 
sired to march into the interior in order to exjjlore the 
country, and have the ships sail along the coast until 
they found a harbor, which the pilot insisted existed 
not very far to the north-west ; but he wanted to hear 
the opinion of the others. Cabeza de Vaca strenuously 
opposed any separation from the vessels until the latter 
should be safely moored in a secure harbor, and he called 
attention to the fact that the pilots were far from agree- 
ing as to the situation of the wished-for haven. He 
showed the danger of starting off to explore a country 
of which they had no knowledge or information, and 
where they could not communicate at all with the 
natives for want of an interpreter; especially in their 
present condition of scarcity of food. In short, he 
opposed the plan with many arguments, and recom- 
mended that they should re-embark in the vessels and 
explore the coast until they found some satisfactory 
locality, especially as the country where they now were 



48 CABEZA DE VACA. 

was the poorest and least valuable of any that had been 
found in the new world. The Commissioner, Xuarez, 
gave exactly contrary advice. He favored following 
along the line of the coast by an expedition on land, 
while the ships kept within easy distance by sailing 
along that Fame sliore. He based his argument on two 
principal grounds : Firstly, that the looked-for bay 
could more easily be found from the land than from the 
sea, as it was represented to extend a considerable dis- 
tance back into the country ; and secondly, that it would 
be tempting Providence again to take to the water after 
the many misfortunes which had befallen the fleet ever 
since it first left Spain. The feeling with regard to the 
course to be pursued evidently ran high, for when the 
Governor concluded to continue the expedition by land, 
Cabeza de Vaca made a formal demand that the ships 
should not be left until they wei-e in a safe harbor, and 
asked a certificate from the notary that he made such a 
demand ; and the Governor, on his part, asked of the 
notary a certificate that he moved on with his colony in 
quest of a better country and port, for the reason that 
the place in which they were, would neither support a 
population nor afford a haven for their ships. V/hat the 
notarial official did in this dilemma does not apppear from 
the chronicle, but the Governor went on with his prep- 
arations for advancing, and then, in presence of the 
officers, offered Cabeza de Vaca — as he was opposed to th« 
land expedition — to give him the command of the fleet. 
This Vaca refused; and when repeatedly urged by the 
Governor to accept the position, and finally asked why 
he so persistently declined, he answered, as he himself 
relates, that "I rejected the responsibility, as I felt cer- 
tain that he would never more find the ships, nor the 
ships him ; and I preferred to subject myself to the 
danger which he and the others were exposed to, and to 
undergo what they might sufler, rather than take charge 
of the ships and give occasion for any to say that I re- 



CABEZA DE VACA. 49 

mained behind from timidity, and so my courage be 
called in question. I chose rather to risk my life than 
to endanger my reputation." 

The Governer thereupon appointed a Spanish Al- 
calde, named Caravallo, as Captain of the lieet, and pro- 
ceeded to arrange for the march. Provisions were 
already scanty ; on the day of starting the men were 
given a ration of two pounds of biscuit and one-half 
pound bacon, but thereafter the bread was reduced to 
one pound. The whole land expedition consisted of 300 
m.en, of whom the officers, etc., who were mounted, were 
forty. On Sunday, the 1st of May, they took up their 
march and proceeded northerly for fifteen days, without 
seeing any kind of habitation or a single Indian. 
During this time they found nothing eatable to add to 
their scanty store, except the palmetto or fan palm, 
which abounded and from which they ate the heart. 
At the end of the fifteen days they came to a river so 
wide that it was passed with much difficulty — rafts 
having to be made for those inexperienced in swimming, 
and the crossing occupying an entire day. (This 
undoubtedly is the river now called Withlacoochee.) 

On the north side of this river the expedition for 
the first time encountered a considerable number of 
natives. They were about 200 in all, and the Governor 
attempted to open communication by signs, but the 
Indians made such insulting gestures that the Spaniards 
could not bear it ; and so, rushing forward, they captured 
several, and compelled them to show them where their 
village was. This was found about half a league away • 
and more important to the invaders than the poor 
Indian cabins, were large fields of corn, just ready to be 
gathered. "We gave infinite thanks, to our Lord for 
having succored us in this great extremity," piously 
exclaimed the chronicler, " for we were yet young in 
trials, and besides the weariness in which we came, we 
were exliausted from hunger." 



50 CABEZA DE VACA. 

Here the army rested for three days, when the chief 
officers all besouglit Narvaez to send to search for the 
sea, so as if possible to find the safe harbor of which the 
Indians spoke. He gave thern no satisfaction at the 
time, but afterwards authorized Cabeza de Vaca to take 
forty men and make the exploration. So he set out on 
foot on May 18th ; l)ut tJie result of the search was, that if 
a harbor was to be found at id], it was by following the 
river down on its south side and not on the north ; so 
the Treasurer returned, and Captain Valenzuela was 
sent on a second expedition ; but this only discovered 
that the bay was too shallow for vessels of any size, 
although a number of canoes carrying Indians wearing 
plumes was seen passing across its waters. 

Abandoning, therefore, the hope of finding a suit- 
able place for a permanent port in that vicinity, the 
expedition recommenced its march toward the land of 
Apalache, of the riches of which they heard so much; 
having now for guides the Indians they had captured. 
For almost a month they travelled without meeting any 
natives, when on June 17th, just before they reached 
the banks of a very wide and rapid river (which is easil}^ 
distinguishable as the Suwanee of modern times), they 
were approached by a cliief, covered with a painted deer 
skin, and carried in the arms of another Indian Many 
of his people attended him, and in advance were musi- 
cians playing on flutes of reed. This appears to have 
been the method iii whicli they showed hospitality and 
good will ; as eleven years later, when De Soto arrived 
at the same place, he was met by Indians " playing upon 
flutes, a sign among them to others that they come in 
peace." A conference by signs ensued, the Spaniards 
endeavoring to convey the idea that they Were going on 
to Apalache; and understanding in reply that the chief 
was an enemy to the Apalachians, and would accompan}^ 
and assist the expedition. Presents were then ex- 
changed, the chief giving the Governor the deer-skin 



CABEZA DE VACA. 51 

which he wore ; and the next day the army attempted 
the difficult passage of the river. A boat was con- 
structed, and on this all were finally taken across safely, 
except one horseman, Juan Velasquez, who was too im- 
patient to wait for his turn, and plunging into the river, 
was carried away by the swift current. His horse, found 
drowned on the bank below, furnished the first fresh 
meat that the soldiers had enjoj^ed for many days. The 
next day the expedition reached the town of the chief, 
whose name is given by Cabeza de Vaca as Dulchan- 
chellin, but by other writers as Uzachil, Osachile, Ochile, 
etc., (all evidently mispronunciations of the same name), 
and received some corn as a present. 

But now, for some reason, the demeanor of the In- 
dians changed. Heretofore they had been hospitable, 
and helpful; indeed, without their assistance the army 
could not have crossed the Suwanee ; but now they 
assumed a hostile attitude. Some slight conflicts ensued, 
in which three or four natives were captured; and then 
Narvaez proceeded on his march, on June 20th, the latest 
captives being now his guides. The country now 
traversed was covered with dense forests of enormous 
trees, of which so many had fallen to the ground that 
travelling was very difficult and slow. After six days of 
toilsome march their eyes were at length gladdened by 
the sight of the city which was the goal of their hopes. 
" We gave many thanks to God," says the Treasurer, 
" at seeing ourselves so near, having confidence in what 
we had heard of the land, and believing that here was 
the end of our great hardships; and having come to the 
wished-for place, where we had been told was much food 
and gold, we felt that we had already recovered in part 
from our suffering and fatigue." 

After viewing the town from a distance, the Gov- 
ernor directed Cabeza de Vaca to take nine horsemen 
and fifty foot soldiers and enter the place. This was 
done without difficulty, as all the men were absent from 



52 CABEZA DE VACA. 

their homes and only women and children remained ; 
but shortly afterwards the men returned, and seeing the 
strangers in possession, commenced discharging arrows at 
them. This, however, did no damage beyond killing the 
horse of the Assessor, and the Indians then took to flight. 
The Spaniards then proceeded to explore the town, but 
were entirely disappointed both as to its size and riches. 
Instead of a large city, they found a village of forty 
small, low houses, scattered in sheltered places, and 
built of thatch. No gold was to be found, or anything 
of value, except corn and deer-skins, The whole coun- 
try was level and sandy, but pines, cedars, oaks, liquid 
amber, and palmettos abounded. In openings in the 
country around were patches of corn, but the whole pre- 
sented a scene of barrenness and poverty far different 
from what the adventurers had hoped. Within a short 
time the Indians who had fled returned in peace, asking- 
for their wives and children, who were restored, to them; 
but for some reason Narvaez detained one chief, which 
produced much excitement and brought on hostilities 
anew, which were kept up as long as the Spaniards 
remained in the town, which was twenty-five days. 
During this time they endeavored by explorations and 
inquiries to ascertain regarding the surrounding country 
and any cities of wealth that it might contain ; but their 
expeditions showed them simply a sparsely populated 
plain, and the answer to all inquiries was, that no other 
town was as large or as good as their own, except one 
called Ante, near the sea, and distant nine days' journey. 
Finding nothing worth conquering where they were, 
the Spaniards determined to march to this city, not only 
because it was the most important that they could hear 
of, but also because it would bring them again near to 
their ships. So they set out on the 20th of July, but 
were greatly annoyed in their march by the Indians, 
who assailed them with arrows from behind trees and 
fallen timber, and from the shallow lakes, in which they 



CABEZA DE VACA. 53 

Stood nearl y covered by the water. These Indians appear 
to have been powerful and expert archers, for they 
wounded many of the men and horses, and drove their 
arrows with almost incredible force into the bodies of 
great oaks and elms. Their bows are described as being 
as thick as a man's arm, of eleven or twelve palms in 
length, and their aim at 200 yards was almost 
infallible. 

After nine days of hard travel the army arrived at 
Aute, but found that the news of their approach had 
preceded them, for the houses had all been burned and 
the inhabitants had fled. However, they found corn, 
beans, and pumpkins in great quantities — a most wel- 
come sight to the hungry and weary Spaniards. Here 
they rested for two days, and then Cabeza de Vaca, at 
the request of the Governor, went to discover the sea. 
After a day's march he arrived at a bay where there 
were good oysters, but examination showed that the 
Gulf itself was far distant; and so he returned again to 
the camp. (This bay was probably Apalachicola Bay.) 
Everything now was in a most discouraging c'ondition. 
An unknown malady had appeared and spread with 
great rapidity among the meii. Among the stricken 
were the ComprkroUer, the Inspector, and the Governor 
himself. The Indians had taken advantage of this 
season of weakness and made an attack which had well 
nigh been disastrous. The position of the army was 
very embarrassing, and there was no hope of improve- 
ment where they were ; so it was determined to set off 
immediately for the shore. But this journey, though 
short, was no easy task. The sick increased in number 
daily, and there were not enough horses to carry them. 
Scarcely any of the men continued fit for active duty ; 
and while thus compassed by difficulties their danger 
was increased by a plot entered into by those who were 
mounted to abandon the Governor and their comrades 
and press on themselves to a place of safety. This 



54 CABEZA DE VACA. 

scheme, however, was fortunately frustrated anrl ahan- 
doned. 

On arrivinp: at the bay the condition of the army 
was not much improved — except that they could obtain 
oysters from the water. Affairs soon became so critical 
that the Governor asked the advice of all the leading 
men as to the course which promised best to relieve 
them in theii" emergency. A third of the men were 
sick,. and the number was continually increasing. Ev- 
ery day augmented their difficulties. Tt was dangerous 
to move, and dangerous to remain still. They were on 
an arm of the Gulf of Mexico, but the whereabouts of 
their vessels no one knew. Yet they were unable to 
march 'farther, and the sea presented their only means 
of escape. At last, after all their circumstances were 
considered, all agreed that they must endeavor, if possi- 
ble, to build boats which would carry them away from 
this land of misfortune. But no project could well 
seem more impossible of execution. They had no tools» 
no iron, no forge, no rigging — in short, no single thing 
of those most necessary; and no man who had a knowl- 
edge of the manufacture. Besides all this, they were 
nearly out of provisions.- The}^ were about abandoning 
the idea when one of the men said thaU he believed he 
could make a bellows from a wooden pipe and some 
deer-skins; and in their despondent condition even 
this suggestion seemed like a ray of hope from heaven. 
They agreed to use their stirrups, spurs, and everthing 
which they had of iron, in the manufacture of nails, 
axes, and other tools. From the outer fibrous covering 
of the palmetto they prepared a good substitute for tow. 
A Greek named Teodoro made pitch from the adjacent 
pine-trees. From the palmetto leaves and the tails and 
manes of their horses, ropes and rigging were ingen- 
iously manufactured; and sails were made from the 
shirts of the men. But a single carpenter was in their 
entire company; but under his direction they worked 



CABEZA DE VACA. 55 

with such diligence that in the period from August 4th 
to September 20th they built five boats, each twenty- 
two cubits in length. Meanwhile a good supj^ly of pro- 
visions y/as obtained by making armed excursions to 
Ante, from which, in all, about 640 bushels of corn were 
brought; and on every third day a horse was killed to 
furnish meat. The skins from the legs of these animals 
were taken off entire, and by rude tanning made into 
bottles to hold water for the coming voyage. They also 
obtained shell-fish from the adjacent coves; but this 
work proved dangerous, for bands of Indian archers at- 
tacked all isolated parties, and so powerful and accurate 
was their shooting that their arrows even pierced the 
armor of the men, and in one day ten soldiers were 
thus killed in sight of the camp. More than forty died 
from the disease before mentioned, and when the boats 
were completed, but one horse remained unconsumed. 
There was, therefore, little time to lose, and on the 
20th they embarked in their frail boats, which were 
found scarcely sufficiently large to convey the whole 
number. The company, which no 7/ consisted of 247 
persons, was divided equally, from forty-eight to fifty 
going in each boat. One was commanded by the 
Governor, Narvaez; one by the Comptroller and Com- 
missary; one by Captain Alonzo del Castillo and An- 
dres Dorantes; one by Captains Penalosa and Tellez, 
and one by Cabeza de Vaca and the Assessor. So heavily 
were the vessels loaded when all were on board that not 
more than a SDan remained above water ; and the men 
were so crowded that they could not move without dan- 
ger. What greatly added to their difficulties was, that 
among the whole company there was not one who un- 
derstood even the first principles of navigation. 

Never, perhaps, in all history, has an enterprise been 
undertaken in the face of more discouragements and 
difficulties than this embarkation of the army of Narvaez. 
For a single man cast away, to frame a raft on which to 



56 CABEZA DE VACA. 

attempt escape, is not rare ; but without a nail or tool 
of any kind, to build boats capable of carrying a quarter 
of a thousand people, working in the midst of sickness 
and the attacks of the enemy, is without a parallel. 
The place where this work was accomplished the 
Spaniards called " Bahia de Caballos," the '' Bay of 
Horses." A few years later (1539), a party from the 
army of De Soto, under Juan de Anasco, visited it and 
heard from the natives an account of tlie sojourn of the 
army of Narvaez, being shown the spots where the ten 
Spaniards had been killed and other memorable events 
liad occurred. He even found the furnace in which the 
spikes had been made for the boats, still surrounded by 
charcoal, and some large hollowed logs that had been 
used for horse-troughs. This bay is easily recognizable, 
from its situation and description, as Appalachee ; and 
this theory is confirmed by the extract from Charlevoix 
in 1722, given hereafter. It is possible, however, that 
it may have been near the mouth of the Apalachicola 
River. 

The army embarked on the 22d of September, and 
proceeded along the shallow waters of the coast, seeing 
nothing of unusual interest until toward evening of the 
28th, when they approjiched an inhabited island, from 
which five canoes full of Indians came toward them. 
The natives, however, were overcome with fear at the 
sight of the number of the pale-faced strangers, and 
hastily abandoning their canoes, swam to the shore for 
safety. The S^xmiards pressed on to the island, where 
they found a number of houses, and what was most 
acceptable in their condition, some dried mullet and 
fish-roes. The abandoned boats they made useful in 
heightening the sides of their own dangerous vessels, 
until they were two palms above the water. In these 
frail crafts for thirty more long days they moved along 
the coast, their sufferings from lack of food increasing as 
time passed and stores became exhausted, and their diffi- 



CABEZA DE VACA. 57 

culties much enhanced by the scarcity of fresh water , 
which could only be procured by entering creeks and 
going beyond the reach of the tide, which of course 
entailed the loss of much time. Unfortunately, their 
singular bottles of horses' legs did not meet the hopes of 
their ingenious inventors, for they soon rotted and 
became worthless, leaving the boats without any vessels 
in which to preserve any quantity of the necessary water. 
On the 30th day they saw a small island, and went 
on shore in hopes of finding a spring, but in this were 
disappointed ; and while thus on land so violent a storm 
arose that they were afraid to tempt the waters again, 
and were thus detained for six days, during the last 
five of which they were utterly destitute of drink. So 
frightful became their sufferings from this deprivation 
that at length some of the men in desperation drank 
the salt sea-water, and in a ^ort time several died. In 
this terrible position, death from thirst threatening 
them if they remained, and destruction by the storm 
impending if they took to the sea, they chose the lat- 
ter horn of the dilemma as that which, at all events, 
presented some chance of escape, and so pushed out 
again into the Gulf. The waves were so high, and the 
weather so tempestuous, that many times they were 
nearly overwhelmed; but when death seemed almost in- 
evitable, just at sunset, they passed around a j^rojecting 
point of land and found a calm harbor beyond. What 
was equally welcome at such a time, they saw an Indian 
village and a number of natives in car.oes. The Span- 
iards quickly approached the shore, and lost no time 
in gaining the land, being hastened by the sight of jars 
of water standing in front of the houses. From them 
they quenched their almost inexhaustible thirst, and 
then proceeded to observe the surroundings. The 
houses of these Indians were made of mats, and appeared 
to be permanent dwellings. The men were tall, of fine 
form, and when first seen had no arms of any kind. 



58 CABEZA DE VACA. 

The Cacique of the village soon appeared and invited 
Narvaez to his home, where he supplied him with cooked 
fish, and in return the Governor presented the chief 
with various trinkets. The Spaniards gave the Indians 
a little of their remaining scanty store of corn, and the 
natives supplied them with fish and whatever they had 
to ofier. The best of feeling appeared to prevail on both 
sides; but just at midnight, when the Spaniards, ex- 
hausted by their long w^atching, were heavily asleep, 
the Indians suddenly made an attack on them, and 
killed three of those who were sick and had been 
brought on shore. They made an attempt to kill Nar- 
vaez, and succeeded in striking him in the face with a 
stone. Some of the Spaniards seized their chief, but 
the Indians being greater in number rescued him. The 
Governor was carried to his boat, and the sick and feeble 
were also put on board, ^yhile fifty of the strongest of 
the Spaniards remained to meet the attack of the In- 
dians. The latter fought with bravery and determina- 
tion. Three times during the night they drove the Eu- 
ropeans back, and but for lack of arrows, the historian 
(who was an active participant) thinks that they would 
have inflicted great damage. As it was, every Spaniard 
was more or less wounded; Cabeza de Vaca himself be- 
ing stricken in the face. The next day, as soon as the 
weather permitted, the boats set sail again; having, 
however, unfortunately, no means by which to carry 
any sufficient supply of water. 

One trophy they retained from this adventure of 
which the chronicler makes special mention. When 
the Cacique was rescued by his people, they left in the 
hands of the Spaniards his robe of civet-marten. " These 
skins," says Vaca, "are the best, I think, that can be 
found ; they have a fragrance which can be equalled by- 
amber and musk alone, and even at a distance is strongly 
perceptible. We saw other skins there, but none to be 
compared with these." 



CABEZA DE VACA. 59 

Sailing along the shore, the little squadron soon came 
to the mouth of a river, and again saw Indians in canoes. 
The Governor made signs that he wanted water, and they 
replied that they would bring it. Thereupon Don Teo- 
doro, the same Greek who manufactured the pitch for 
the boats at the Baliia de Caballos, insisted on going on 
shore with them, and in spite of all the protestations 
of his companions went, taking with him a negro from 
one of the boats. All that could be done by the cap- 
tains to secure his safety was to detain two Indians on 
a boat as hostages. At night the Indians came again, 
bringing the vessels but no water, and without the 
Greek or the African. They said something in their 
own language to the two hostages, whereupon the latter 
attempted to jump into the sea, but were seized and re- 
strained by the Spaniards. Seeing this, the Indians 
who had come fled in their canoes. The next morning 
a large number of Indians in boats surrounded the little 
squadron and demanded the delivery of their two com- 
panions, but were answered that they must first return 
the two Christians. To this they gave no satisfactory 
answer, only saying that if the Spaniards would come 
on shore they would not only deliver Teodoro and the 
African, but would also supply them with water and 
other necessaries. The Spaniards, however, feared some 
treachery, and as the Indians seemed to be attempting 
to cut off their retreat, by taking possession of the en- 
trance of the bay, Narvaez immediately set sail for the 
sea. The natives then showed their hostile intentions, 
for they began to hurl clubs and throw stones from 
slings at the Spaniards, and threatened to shoot with 
arrows. The wind, however, favored the latter, and 
they succeeded in getting into the open sea and beyond 
the reach of their assailants; but while thus saving 
themselves, they had to abandon the Greek and negro 
to their fate. Years afterwards, when De Soto passed 
through, his soldiers heard of Don Teodoro, and were 



bO CABEZA DE VACA. 

shown a dirk which had been his; but the accounts of 
his fate, and that of his companion, were conflicting. 
At all events, they never lived to return to their homes, 
or even to see a European face again. 

The little fleet sailed westward all that day, but 
about the middle of the afternoon came in sight of a 
point of land and the mouth of a broad river. So great 
was the volume of water brought down by this stream 
that the sailors took fresh water from the sea which 
was fit for drinking purposes; and shortly afterwards, 
attempting to pass the mouth of the river, they found 
it to be impossible, as the current was so violent that it 
continually drove them out to sea, while they were 
straining every nerve to reach the land. Three full 
days they toiled in this way, trying to gain the shore 
against the mighty current which was stronger by far 
than anythinsf which human arms could do, and before 
which the frail boats were but as bubbles on an ocean; 
and on the morning of November 3d the little vessels 
had become so far separated that none of the others 
could be seen from that of Cabeza de Vaca. 

There can be no doubt from the description, as well 
as from the locality, that thi"s river with the enormous 
current of fresh water was the Mississippi; and that 
while De Soto has the honor of being the first to see it 
in its proper form as a river running through the land, 
the fleet of Narvaez, several years before, was in sight 
of its mouth and felt the force of its mighty current, 
and actually drank of its waters as they made a channel 
through the salt waves of the Gulf of Mexico. 

We can imagine the feelings of the party in the boat 
of the Treasurer when they found themselves alone in 
the open sea. They had suffered almost every possible 
privation before, but always in the companionship of 
their comrades — but now even that consolation was re- 
moved. Keeping on their westerly course, however, just 
at evening, they were rejoiced again to see two of the 



CABEZA DE VACA. 61 

boats, one near at hand, and one far out at sea. Ap- 
proaching the former, they found it to be that of the 
Governor, and a consultation took place as to the best 
course of action. Cabeza de Vaca contended that they 
ought to join the other boat at all hazards, so as to be 
together, and then proceed on their way; but the Gov- 
ernor answered that the other boat was too far out at 
sea, and that they ought to reach the shore as soon as 
possible. He expressed his own determination to take 
that course, and told Vaca that if he wanted to remain 
in his company he must keep every man at the oars in 
order to bring the boat to land. This the Treasurer did, 
taking an oar himself to aid and encourage the men; 
but the soldiers were worn out with fatigue and hunger, 
and could not compete as oarsmen with the stronger 
men in the Governor's boat — which had been manned 
by the healthiest and most athletic of the army. Find- 
ing that he could not keep up with the Governor's boat, 
Vaca begged them to give him a rope so that his boat 
could be towed along ; but this the Governor refused, 
saying that it would be all they could do, with every 
exertion, to reach the shore that night, alone. Vaca 
then asked what could be done, as his men were too 
feeble to follow the Governor's boat without assistance; 
and Narvaez answered that it was no longer a time for 
one man to give orders to another; that each should do 
what seemed the best to save his own life; and that he 
had determined to act on that principle himself. And 
with this abdication of control, and cry of ^^sauve qui 
peut^^^ he pressed forward with his own boat, and was 
soon lost in the darkness. 

As Vaca could have no more hope from that quarter, 
he directed his course to the other boat, which awaited 
his approach and which he found to be that commanded 
by Penalosa and Tellez. These two little crafts, com- 
panions in misery, and laden with as unhappy a set of 
men as ever burdened a vessel, kept company with each 



(52 CABEZA DE VACA. 

other four days, while the passengers were reduced to a 
diurnal allowance of half a handful of raw corn. Then 
a storm arose and they hecanie separated, never more to 
see each other. The wretchedness of the situation in 
his own boat is so vividly described by Cabeza de Vaca 
himself that it seems best to use his own words. 
" Because," says he, " of winter and its inclemency, the 
many days we had suffered hunger, and the heavy beat- 
ing of the waves, the people began next day to despair 
in such a manner that when the sun sank all who were 
in my boat were fallen one on another, so near to death 
that there were few among them in a state of sensibility. 
Of the whole number at this time not five men were on 
their feet ; and when night came, only the master and 
myself were left who could work the boat. Two hours 
after dark he gaid to me that I must take charge of her, 
as he was in such condition lie believed he should die 
that night. So I took the paddle, and going after mid- 
night to see if the master was alive, he said to me he 
was rather better, and would take the charge until day. 
I declare in that hour I would more willingly have died 
than seen so many people before me in such condition. 
After the master took the direction of the boat, I lay 
down a little while, but without repose, for nothing at 
that time was farther from me than sleep." Toward 
morning the Treasurer heard the roaring sound which 
told of waves beating on a shore, and on sounding found 
that they were in seven fathoms of water. The Ca2)tain 
advised that they should keep off shore until it was light 
enough to land with safety, and so Vaca himself took an 
oar and pulled the boat out into the Gulf. There a great 
wave struck the boat, throwing it entirely out of the 
water and arousing all of the men within it, no matter 
how exhausted; and as she was forced near the shore 
again, they got out on the rocks and crawled to the 
land on their hands and feot to the shelter of some 
ravines. There they made a fire, parched and ate the 



CABEZA DE VACA. 63 

scanty remainder of their corn, and relieved their thirst 
from pools of rain-water. 

The morning having come, and the men being some- 
what refreshed, Vaca ordered the strongest of the party, 
one Lope de Oviedo, to climb to the top of some trees 
near at hand and reconnoitre the country ; and he soon 
returned to say they were oil an island w^hich seemed 
inhabited. This aroused mingled feelings of joy and 
fear, which were enhanced when the same messenger 
returned from a second trip to tell of finding some 
empty huts, and bringing an earthen pot, a little dog, 
and a few mullets, which he had found in them. Just 
as he arrived three Indians came in view following him, 
and half an hour later their number was increased by 
fully 100 of their companions, all armed with bows. 
*' They were not large," says the chronicler, " but our 
fears made giants of them. The Spaniards were in no 
condition to meet any hostile attack, so they attempted 
to conciliate the natives. The Treasurer and the Over- 
seer went to meet them, and by signs endeavored to 
open friendly intercourse. They gave them beads and 
bells, and in return each Indian gave Vaca an arrow in 
token of friendship, and promised to bring some provis- 
ions the next day. True to this promise, at sunrise 
the Indians brought a quantity of fish and a kind of 
edible root, about the size of a walnut; and again at 
evening they returned with more of the same supplies. 
The Spaniards in return gave such presents as they 
could to the women and children, who flocked to see 
them. 

Being thus refreshed, they began to think of pursuing 
their journey, and with much difficulty dug their boat 
out of the beach-sand, under which it was buried. They 
were still so weak that all exertion was a great burden, 
and in endeavoring to launch the craft they stripped off 
their clothes so as to work the better. The boat was 
scarcely in the water, and but a little way from shore, 



64 CABEZA DE VACA. 

when a wave passed over her, making the oars so slippery 
as to be temporarily useless, and the next minute another 
wave completely capsized the boat. Three of the crew, 
including Don Alonzo de Solis, the assessor, seeking to 
save themselves by clinging to the vessel, were carried 
under and drowned; the rest of the Spaniards being 
thrown violently upon the beach, naked and half dead. 
Here the cold wind, beating upon their wet and unpro- 
tected bodies, would have caused them to perish, but that 
they found a few embers still remaining from their last 
fire, and soon had a bright blaze to warm and comfort 
them. When the Indians came as usual at sunset to 
bring fish and roots, they were so amazed and alarmed 
at what seemed to them a miraculous transformation of 
their strange guests, that they immediately fled ; but on 
learning the true state of affairs by signs, and seeing the 
dead bodies washed onto the shore, they returned and 
expressed their sympathy and condolence by loud and 
mournful lamentations for the space of half an hour* 
" It was strange," says Vaca, "to see these men, wild 
and untaught, howling like beasts over our misfortunes. 
It caused in me, as in others, an increase of sorrow and 
a more vivid sense of our calamity." Nothing could 
Avell exceed the kindness experienced at the hands of 
these Indians. Cabeza de Vaca suggested to his com- 
rades that in their forlorn condition it would be best to 
ask the natives to take them to their homes. The 
soldiers generally objected to this, fearing that they 
would be sacrificed to the native idols; but Vaca per- 
sisted, and begged the Indians to take care of them. 
The proposition was received with great favor, and so 
careful and considerate were the Indians that they 
carried the half-starved and exhausted white men in their 
arms up to their village, and on account of the extreme 
cold and the nakedness of their guests, built four or five 
large fires at easy distances along the road with which to 
warm the Spaniards on the way. 



CABEZA DE VACA. 65 

Arrived at the village, the strangers were lodged in 
a house just constructed for them, and were supplied 
with fires ; and would have been most comfortable but 
for an unpleasant idea that they were only being well 
cared for at the present in order to be prepared to be 
suitable victims in a great sacrifice. Meanwhile the 
Indians celebrated the event by dancing and rejoicings, 
which continued all night. The next day the keen eye 
of Vaca observed with one of the Indians an European 
article which their own party had not brought, and on 
inquiry was told that it was a gift from some other men 
similar to the Spaniards, who were not far off. Amazed 
and delighted by this intelligence, the Treasurer sent a 
small party to seek their countrymen, who were soon 
met, as they had heard of the arrival of Cabeza de Vaca 
and were hastening to visit him — and who turned out 
to be the entire company from the boat of Captains 
Dorantes and Castillo. Their respective stories were 
quicklj^ told ; and it appeared that the day before Ca- 
beza de Vaca and his comrades were cast on that shore 
the other boat had been capsized a league and a half 
from there, but all the men were saved, and succeeded 
in preserving a large proportion of their goods. It was 
soon agreed that the best plan was to repair their boat 
so that the strongest of the united company could pro- 
ceed along the coast in search of assistance, while the 
others remained to regain their strength, or until succor 
should arrive. In accordance with this plan they set at 
work; but their efforts were fruitless and thefr hopes 
disappointed, for the boat proved unfit for service, and 
finally sank to the bottom of the sea. There was then 
no alternative but to winter on the island; for the weak 
condition of the men, as well as their lack of covering, 
prevented further effort at that cold and boisterous 
season. 

Four of the most powerful of the company, however, 
being all expert swimmers, volunteered to make one 



66 CABEZA DE VACA. 

more attempt to reach the Spanish settlement at Pan- 
uco in Mexico (which they all believed to be not far 
distant), in order that, if a good Providence crowned 
their efforts with success, relief might be sent to the 
wretched party on the islanci The men who thus 
risked their lives were a Portuguese named Alvaro 
Fernandez, and three Spaniards named Mendez, Fi- 
gueroa, and Astudillo. The}^ were accompanied by an 
Indian of the island — w^hich was called by the natives 
Aula, but which the Spaniards, from their own sad ex- 
periences there, appropriately named Malhado, or Bad 
Luck. 

And now these experiences were to become more and 
more unfortunate. The weather soon became so tem- 
pestuous that the natives could no longer find the roots 
which grew at the water's edge, and the fish-nets caught 
nothing; so that semi-starvation ensued; besides this, 
the exposure to the winter blasts without any sufficient 
protection made many a stout heart but emaciated bodj 
succumb. Five Spaniards living by themselves in an 
isolated place near the shore were reduced to such 
straits that as each died the survivors lived on his 
dead body; so that when visited, only the corpse of the 
last survivor was found unmolested. So great was the 
suffering and mortality that before spring sixty-five 
out of the eighty who had come on shore in the two 
boats had perished. Then the Indians themselves, prob- 
ably on account of their insufficient food, became af- 
flicted with a disease of the bowels, which proved so 
fatal that full half of the whole population fell victims 
to it. Never having been so afflicted before, they at- 
tributed their misfortune to the malign influence of 
the pale-faced strangers, and determined to put the sur- 
viving Spaniards to death for their own safety, if not 
in retaliation for the scourge inflicted on their people; 
and this purpose would, no doubt, have been put into 
execution but for the enlightened advice of the Indian 



CABEZA DE VACA. 67 

who had special charge of Cabeza de Vaca, who re- 
minded his companions that if the Europeans had 
power over life and death they would certainly have 
saved their own people from the dire destruction which 
had carried off nearly all of their number; that those 
who remained were not only feeble, but showed no ill 
will to the natives, and that it would be far better to 
leave them in God's hands. Fortunately, these argu- 
ments prevailed, and the remnant of the Spaniards was 
saved from the impending peril. Thus they remained 
on the island until April, suffering great privations 
themselves, but none greater than those undergone by 
the Indians; some of whose immemorial customs en- 
tailed great inconveniences and danger in such a time 
of pestilence. For example, if a son or a brother died 
in a family, none of the household could go out in search 
of food for three months, but had to be supplied by their 
friends and relatives; and they would sooner perish than 
violate this observance. While ordinarily this might 
produce no inconvenience, yet during this winter, when 
nearly every house had lost one of its inmates, it caused 
great hardships. The number of those still permitted 
to obtain food was so greatly reduced that though they 
toiled from morning till night, the supply was far less 
than what was required, and yet none had the temerity 
to break through the custom; and had not a part of the 
people passed over to the main-land, where there were 
oysters, nearly the whole population would have per-' 
ished. In April the Spaniards under Cabeza de Vaca 
also crossed over, and lived on blackberries all that 
month; while the Indians carried on their spring cere- 
monials and dances. This probably gave rise to the re- 
port which was brought back to Cuba by a vessel which 
had been sent along the shores of the Gulf in search of 
the expedition of Narvaez, and which is referred 4)0 in a 
report made by Lope Hurtado to the Emperor Charles 
V.J dated May 20,529, in the following words: "A car- 



68 CABEZA DE VACA. 

aval has arrived here from searching after Narvaez, and 
brings eight Indians from the coast; they state by signs 
that he is inland with his men, who do little else than 
eat, drink, and sleep." 

Among this people Cabeza de Vaca and his com- 
panions first appeared in the character of physicians, 
in which they were afterwards compelled to act in many 
places. The native system of medical attendance was 
by blowing upon the sick, and wdth that breath and the 
laying on of hands they performed the cures. They 
also made cauteries with fire and then blew upon the 
spot, which gave the patient relief. The Indians in- 
sisted that the Spaniards should act as their physicians, 
and when the latter demurred and said that they had no 
knowledge of medicine, the Indians insisted that it 
could not be, but that the whites being extraordinary 
men, must possess this power; and believing that the 
refusal came from stubbornness, they withheld all food 
from them until they had starved them into compliance. 
While thus constrained to obey, the Spaniards were in 
great fear, lest their ill success should bring new dangers 
upon them ; but these apprehensions seem not to have 
been realized. Cabeza de Vaca tells us : ''Our method 
was to bless the sick, breathing upon them, and recite a 
Pater-noster and Ave-Maria, praying with all earnest- 
ness to God our Lord that he would give health, and in- 
fluence them to make us some good return. In his 
clemency he willed that all those for whom we suppli- 
cated should tell the others that they were sound and 
in health, directly after we made the sign of the blessed 
cross over them. For this the Indians treated us 
kindly; they deprived themselves of food that they 
might give to us, and presented us with skins and some 
trifles." 

As the spring advanced the other Christians returned 
to the island, but Vaca remained on the main-land, 
where he became very sick. Hearing of this, the others, 



CABEZA DE VACA. 69 

under Alcnzo del Castillo and Andres Dorantes, desired 
to visit him, but had considerable difficulty in getting 
the tribe with which they were to allow them to cross. 
Those still alive on the island were fourteen in all, but 
two, named Alviniz and Lope de Oviedo, were too feeble 
to travel. The other twelve crossed to the main-land, 
and there found another of their party, Francisco de 
Leon ; and these thirteen started to travel along the 
coast, leaving Cabeza de Vaca alone and to his fate, as 
he was unable to move. Here he remained for more 
than a year, treated by the natives as a slave, and com- 
pelled to perform the most toilsome and painful work. 
During this time he was continually planning how to 
escape to some other tribe, and so gradually move on to 
Mexico, but it was long before an opportunity was pre- 
sented. At length he proposed to his masters to go 
trafficking for them to the adjacent tribes, and as he was 
expert in such matters, they soon let him travel on such 
business to considerable distances. The goods that he 
took to trade with, were shells, and a peculiar fruit, like 
a bean, which the interior tribes used as a medicine ; 
and in return he obtained skins, ochre for painting the 
face, hard cane to make arrows, sinews, flints, etc., etc. 
This business gave him not only great liberty, but better 
fare and treatment ; and besides, he was continually gain- 
ing information as to the best way to go forward when 
he should escape and start for Christian settlements. 

For nearly six years he remained thus among the 
natives, with no European for a companion, but living 
naked and in all respects like an Indian. The reason, 
he says, that he remained so long was that he wanted, 
when he went, to take with him Oviedo, who had been 
left on the island, and whose companion, Alvaniz, had 
soon after died. With this in view he went over to the 
island every year and saw Oviedo, and tried to induce 
him to start on the journey toward the Christian settle- 
ments'. But Oviedo, who seems to have been satisfied 



70 CABEZA DE VACA. 

with his lot, or else afraid to venture on new trials, kept 
putting him off, until in the year 1533 Vaca finally took 
him away and carried him with him toward the West ; 
although as Oviedo could not swim, he had to support 
him in the water in crossing rivers and bays. So they 
proceeded until they arrived at a wide expanse of water, 
which they believed must be the bay called Espiritu 
Santo. There they met some Indians from the western 
side of the bay, who said that there were three white 
men with their tribe, and inquiry showed that these 
were the sole survivors of the thirteen who had passed 
on ; five of the others having been killed by the Indians^ 
and the others having died of cold or from privations. 
They gave such a frightful account of the manner in 
which the three survivors were being treated that the 
courage of Oviedo completely gave out, and he insisted 
on returning to the island; and notwithstanding the 
entreaties of Cabeza de Vaca, he could not be dissuaded 
from the purpose, and so departed, leaving Vaca again 
entirely alone among this new tribe of savages. As soon 
as he could, he ascertained where the three Spaniards 
were to be found and visited them ; his appearance creat- 
ing the greatest astonishment, as they had supposed 
that he was long since dead— and the natives had so 
reported. In the words of Vaca: '*We gave many 
thanks at seeing ourselves together again, and this day 
was to us the happiest that we had ever enjoyed in our 
lives." The three Christians who w^ere there found 
were Alonzo del Castillo, Andres Dorantes, and Estev- 
anico, the latter being an African. They soon talked of 
plans of escape, and Dorantes said that for a long time 
he had been urging the others to unite with him in 
pressing forward, but that they had refused because they 
could not swim, and were afraid of the rivers and bays 
which so abounded in that country. They advised Vaca 
that he mur^t not arouse any suspicions on the part of 
the natives that he intended to leave there, or he would 



CABEZA DE VACA. 71 

certainly be killed; and that for success in any project 
of escape, it would be necessary to wait for six months, 
until the time when the Indians regularly w^ent to 
another island to eat prickly-pears. Cabeza de Vaca 
was given as a slave to the same Indian who owned 
Dorantes, and so had a further experience in enforced 
servitude to a native. 

While here he heard of the fate of the other boats of 
the expedition, and of the death of Narvaez and the 
Comptroller. The boats in which were the Comptroller 
arid the Friars had been cast awaj^ on the coast, and 
that of Narvaez had been carried out to sea by a north 
■wind, while. scarcely any except the Governor were on 
board, and was never more heard of. All of the men in 
both those parties had perished in various waj^s, except 
one, named Hernando de Esquivel, who was believed to 
be still alive among the Indians to the west. One other 
Spaniard still survi^.^ed, Figueroa, one of the party of 
four who were dispatched from the island the year before 
to endeavor to force a passage through to Mexico, and 
send succor to their enfeebled commander. It might be 
added here, that some time after, information came 
through the Indians of the destruction of the party 
under Penalosa and Tellez, who were in the fifth and 
last boat. It appeared that they had reached the shore 
a little farther west than the others, but in so feeble a 
condition that they were all destroyed by the Camones 
tribe, who inhabited that region, the Spaniards not 
having the strength to offer any resistance even when 
being slain. 

While among the tribe where they now were, the 
Spaniards suffered greatly, being cruelly treated, com- 
pelled to work very hard, and suffer much hunger; but 
the Indians themselves, except in the prickly-pear 
season, fared little better as to food, as they were com- 
pelled to live on roots, which were scarce and difficult 
to dig, and frequently were reduced to the use of spiders. 



72 CABEZA DE VACA. 

worms, lizards, and snakes, and even eartli and wood. 
They had a singular custom as to their children, all the 
female infants being cast awa}^ at their birth. The 
reason of this was that they were surrounded by tribes 
that were enemies, and if their daughters grew up, they 
w^ould have to marrj^ into some of those tribes, and so 
serve to increase the number of their foes — as it was not 
allowable to intermarrj^ in the tribe. For their own 
wives they captured or bought the women of their 
enemies, in that way strengthening themselves and 
weakening their opponents. 

When the prickly-pear season arrived, to which they 
had looked forward as the time of their deliverance, by 
great ill fortune the masters of the Spaniards had a 
quarrel and separated a considerable distance, so that it 
was impossible for them to mec^t and escape; and thus 
a whole year was lost until the same season came again. 
During the year Cabeza de Vaca suffered many things — 
three times narrowly escaping being killed by his mas- 
ters; but at length the summer arrived once more, and 
the tribe moved as before. After encountering many 
difficulties in arranging to escape, the S})aniards finally 
succeeded in uniting beyond the encampment of the 
Indians, and pressed on as rapidly as possible to avoid 
being overtaken. After two days they came to another 
tribe called Avavares. These people had already heard 
of the Spaniards, and of the wonderful cures which they 
had performed among the Indians on the island; so that 
scarcely had they arrived when some of the Indians came 
to Castillo saying that they had severe headaches, and 
asking to be relieved. He made the sign of the cross 
over them and commended them to God; whereupon 
they all said that the pains had departed, and soon re- 
turned with prickly-pears and a piece of venison — a 
rare treat for our adventurers. As the news of their 
cures spread, many others came, each l)ringing a piece 
of venison as a fee, until more meat had accumulated 



CABEZA DE VACA. 73 

than the Spaniards knew how to dispose of; whereupon 
they gave thanks to God for his goodness. As the season 
was now well advanced and inquiry showed that there 
were no provisions at that season in the country beyond, 
the Spaniards concluded to remain through the winter 
with these Indians who treated them so well. All 
through that period the sick and wounded of the sur- 
rounding country were brought to them for cure; and 
they had such success that nothing else was talked of 
by the adjacent tribes but the astonishing power of 
these pale-faced strangers. At first only Castillo and 
Cabeza de Vaca acted as physicians ; but as time passed, 
and the number applying for help increased, Dorantes 
and the negro also commenced to practice — and all with 
equal success; "although," says Vaca, "in being vent- 
uresome and bold in the performance of cures, I greatly 
excelled." "No one whom we treated,'' he adds, "but 
told us he was left well ; and so great was the confidence 
that they would become healed if we administered to 
them, that they even believed that whilst we remained 
none of them could die " The Indians not only treated 
them well, but showed great appreciation of their char- 
acter as their benefactors : " Thus," says the narrative, 
"when the Cuthalchuches (who were in company with 
our Indians) were about to return to their own'country, 
they left us all the prickly-pears they had — without 
keeping one; they gave us flints of very high value 
there, a palm and a half in length, with which they 
cut. They begged that we would always remember 
them, and pray to God that they might always be well; 
and we promised to do so. They left the most satisfied 
beings in the world — having given us the best of all 
they had." 

For eight months they stayed among these people; 
and then, as the prickly-pears began to ripen, they stole 
away (as that was the only means by which they could 
pursue their journey) to another tribe, called Malia- 



74 CABEZA DE VACA. 

cones; and thence to the Arbadaos, a people very weak 
and lank — probably for lack of food. "Among them," 
says Cabeza de Vaca, ''we underwent greater hunger 
than with tlie others ; we ate^ daily not more than two 
handfuls of prickly- pears, which were green, and so 
milky they burned our mouths. In our extreme want 
we bought two dogs, giving in exchange some nets 
(with other things), and a skin with which I used to 
cover myself. I have already stated that throughout 
all this country we went naked ; and as we were unac- 
customed to being so, twice a year we cast our skins, 
like serpents. Sometimes the Indians would set me to 
scraping and softening skins; and the days of my 
greatest prosperity there were those in which they 
gave me skins to dress. I would scrape them a very 
great deal, and eat the scraps ; which would sustain me 
two or three days. When it happened, among these 
people (as it had likewise among others whom we left 
behind), that a piece of meat was given us, we ate it 
raw; for if we had put it to roast, the first native that 
should come along would have taken it off and devoured 
it — and it appeared to us not well to expose it to this 
risk ; besides, we were in such condition it would have 
given us pain to eat it roasted, and we could not have 
digested it so well as raw. Such was the life we spent 
there, and the meagre subsistence we earned by the 
matters of traffic, which were the work of our own 
hands." 

After eating the dogs the Spaniards felt refreshed, 
and continued their journey, and at night came to a 
village of fifty dwellings. The inhabitants probably 
never had heard of white men, as they were greatly 
amazed at their appearance, showing at first much fear. 
In the morning the Indians brought their sick, on 
whom they prayed for a blessing. Here the Spaniards 
stayed some days; and when they stated that they must 
leave, the whole town was in tears at their departure. 



CABEZA DE VACA. 75 

begging them to remain. They went forward, however, 
and were received by the next tribe with equal hospi- 
tality. Here for the first time the}" saw the Mesquit, 
and ate of its fruit, and of flour made from it. Though 
these people arranged a special festival in honor of the 
travellers, they did not tarry, but passed on ; and after 
crossing a river as wide as the Guadalquiver, arrived at 
a large Indian town of a full hundred habitations. Here 
the fame of the strangers had preceded them, and the 
people came out to receive them, making a barbarous 
kind of music with their voices and hands, and carrying 
gourds with pebbles in them, which were used solely on 
important occasions ; because, as the gourd did not grow 
in their country, but was onl}" found when brought 
down the river occasionally in times of floods, they con- 
sidered it peculiarly sacred, and as coming direct from 
heaven. Having heard of the wonderful cures efiected 
by the pale-faces, the people pressed upon them in 
crowds, each trying to be foremost in touching them in 
order to receive some of the miraculous virtue, so that 
the Spaniards were in danger of their lives and had to 
retire into a house. All night long the natives danced 
and sang in honor of the occasion, and the next morn- 
ing the whole town came to be touched and blessed, as 
they had heard had been done in other places, and made 
presents to the Indians who had guided the Spaniards 
from the last town. This latter custom was continued 
from place to place in an increasing degree. Those that 
accompanied the party from the town just mentioned to 
the next, took from each person who came to be cured 
his bow and arrows, and any ornaments which he might 
wear, apparently as payment for having brought the 
wonderful physicians ; and the sick men were so full of 
rejoicing over what they considered a certainty of cure 
that they cheerfully yielded all that they had. The 
people of that town, when the}" in their turn conducted 
theni to still another, were even more grasping, entering 



76 CABEZA DE VACA. 

the houses and carrying off whatever suited their fancy ; 
but when the Spaniards showed sorrow and displeasure 
at this, the people who were thus despoiled assured 
them that they need not be griev(;d, as they were so 
gratified at their coming that they considered the 
payment by their property but a small equivalent ; and 
besides (and this was perhaps the real reason of their 
complacency), that as the Spaniards went on, they in 
their turn would be well rewarded by those in advance, 
who were very rich. 

About this time the four travellers first came in sight 
of some mountains, all the country heretofore having 
been a level plain. These were undoubtedly the San 
Saba Mountains of modern atlases, though Cabeza de 
Vaca in describing them gives a good illustration of the 
indefinite ideas of geography then existing in America, 
by saying that " they appear to come in succession from 
the North Sea," or Atlantic. They were guided towards 
them by Indians, who took them to the villages of their 
kindred, because they did not wish their enemies to 
enjoy so great a privilege as the presence of the wonder- 
working strangers; but who, nevertheless, did not forget 
to plunder the towns visited as a kind of reward. At 
length this custom became so well known that at any 
place that they approached the people would hide a 
portion of their goods. Sometimes they made voluntary 
presents to the Spaniards, but the latter always dis- 
tributed them among the natives who were bearing 
them company, in order to carry out the national 
custom. At this point they followed up the course of a 
river for a considerable distance, being desirous to seek 
the interior, where they found uniform kindness and 
hospitality, rather than trust themselves again with the 
tribes near the coast, who were more violent and had 
proved cruel task-masters. 

Once when the Spaniards had preferred to follow 
their own ideas of the proper route, rather than the 



CABEZA DE VACA. 77 

suggestion of the accompanying people, the latter left 
them and the little company of adventurers journeyed 
on alone ; and on arriving at a village found every one 
in sorrow, because news had come that wheresoever the 
Spaniards came the town was pillaged by their escort. 
When the}'' saw that the party was unaccompanied, they 
gained courage^ and gavo them prickly-pears to eat. 
But their sense of security v/^as short-lived, for at dawn 
a lot of Indians from the preceding town suddenly 
broke open their houses and plundered them of almost 
everything. As consolation the marauders told them 
that the Spaniards were the children of the Sun, having 
power to cure or to destroy, to cause to live or die. They 
advised them to do everything to make fhe strangers 
satisfied, and to show them the highest respect; not to 
mind what they lost in doing this, but to conduct the 
Spaniards to places where the people were numerous, 
and then to pillage the town, as that was the custom. 
The hearers were apt pupils, and when Cabeza de Vaca 
and his party were ready to move, they accompanied 
them, repeating what they had been told of the Span- 
iards, and adding much more ; for " these people," says 
the chronicler, '' are all very fond of romance, and are 
great liars, particularly when it is to their interest." 
On the journey two native physicians presented them 
with two gourds, which the Spaniards thereafter carried, 
thus increasing the estimation in which the people held 
them. Here they reached the base of the range of hills, 
and proceeded almost directly inland for fifty leagues, 
when they came to a village, where, among the articles 
presented to them, was a hawk-bell of copper, thick and 
large, and figured with a face, which the natives ^ad 
greatly prized, and brought as their choic3st oflfe^^'ng. 
On inquiry they said that it had come from the north, 
where there was much of that metal, but they had only 
received this one piece from a neighboring tribe. The 
next day the travellers passed over a ridge seven leagues 



78 CABEZA DE VACA. 

in extent, and in the evening came to a beautiful river, 
on which was a village, where they stopped. Here the 
people as usual were profuse with their gifts, presenting, 
among other things, little bags of Marquosite and pul- 
verized galena, with which the}' rub the face. Here 
also the Spaniards first found Pinons, wliich Caboza 
describes by saying that " in that countr^^are small pine 
trees, the cones like little eggs; but the seed is better 
than that of Castilla, as its husk is very thin, and while 
green, is beat and made into balls, to be thus eaten. If 
the seed be dry, it is pounded in the husk, and consumed 
in the form of flour." At this time Vaca performed 
a very notable cure, removing from a man's breast, close 
to the heart, a large arrow-head, which for many years 
had been imbedded there. *' From there," says the 
chronicler, '' we travelled through so many sorts of peo- 
ple, of such diverse languages, that memory fails to re- 
call them. They ever plundered each other, and those 
that lost, like those that gained, were fully content. 
We drew so many followers that we had not use for 
their services. Whatever they either killed or found, 
was put before us, without themselves daring to take 
anything until we had blessed it, though they should be 
expiring of hunger, they having so established the rule 
since marching with us. Frequently we were accom- 
panied by three or four thousand people, and as we had 
to breathe upon and sanctify the food and drink for each, 
and grant permission to do the many things they would 
come to ask, it may be seen how great was the annoy- 
ance." 

The party now arrived at a " great river coming from 
the north," and after proceeding tliirty leagues over a 
level section, met a number of persons who had come out 
of their town to receive them, and who welcomed them 
most hospitably to their homes. These obliging hosts 
also guided them on their way more than fifty leagues, 
over rough mountains devoid of water or any kind of 



CABEZA DE VACA. 79 

food, where the party suffered much with hunger ; but 
having accomplished that distance, their eyes were glad- 
dened by the sight of a very large river, the water of 
wiiich was breast high. (The "great river coming from 
the north" was almost without a doubt the Pecos, and 
the " very large river" the Rio Bravo del Norte, now 
better known as the Rio Grande.) Proceeding vresterly 
they stopped at a plain at the base of the mountains, 
w^here they found a considerable population, who gave 
them so many goods that half of them had to be left for 
lack of means to carry them. Vaca told the Indians to 
take back the goods which w^ere left, or they w^ould soon 
be spoiled ; but they answ^ered that '' that was not pos- 
sible, as it w^as not their custom after they had bestowed 
a thing to take it back." It is evident that the 
phrase " Indian giver " did not originate with this par- 
ticular tribe of natives, whose customs were so thoroughly 
based on an opposite principle. The party remained 
here some days, first letting the natives know that 
they wished to reach the land of the setting sun. To 
this the Indians replied that the inhabitants in that di- 
rection were remote, and were hereditary enemies of 
their own tribe. Cabeza then asked them to conduct 
the party to the north, but of this journey they gave 
an even more discouraging account, saying that there 
were neither people, nor food, nor w^ater in that direc- 
tion. The Spaniards, however, insisted on that course,- 
and when the inhabitants of the village still objected to 
going with them, Vaca became offended and w^ent to 
sleep in the w^oods away from the houses, which so dis- 
tressed the natives that they went where he was and 
remained all night, begging him to forgive them and 
be no longer angry, and saying that they would go 
whithersoever he desired, even though they were sure 
they should die on the way. The terror which this 
display of displeasure on the part of the Spaniards oc- 
casioned was greatly heightened by the strange coinci- 



80 

dence that on the next da}^ many of the Indians became 
ill and some of them died. " Wheresoever this became 
known," says Caboza de Vaca, " there was great dread, 
and it seemed as if the inhabitants would die of fear at 
sight of us. They besought us not to remain angered, 
nor require that more of them should die. They be- 
lieved we caused their death by only willing it, when 
in tru*th it gave us so much pain that it could not be 
greater; for beyond their loss, we feared they might all 
die, or abandon us from fright, and that other people 
thenceforward would do the same, seeing what had come 
to these. We prayed to God our Lord to relieve them, 
and from that time the sick began to get better." 

After remaining here over a fortnight the travellers 
again proceeded on their long journe}^ a number of 
women acting as guides, as that was the only possible 
course when the tribe to be met was hostile to that just 
left. After marching three days, Castillo, with Este- 
vanico, the African, set off on an expedition with two 
women as guides, one being a captive from the country 
they were approaching. The latter led them to the 
river that ran between some ridges where there was a 
town in which her family lived, and there it was, to use 
the language of the narrator, that " habitations were 
first seen having the appearance and structure of houses." 
Castillo in his report described them as " fixed dwell- 
ings of civilization;" and in speaking of their next 
journey, Vaca uses the term "settled habitations." 
The party *was certainly then in New ^lexico, though 
in v/hat exact spot it is impossible now to say, but their 
description ^eems to point very distinctly to some of the 
Pueblo towns. The points that would specially strike 
a man who had lived so long away from civilization, and 
where a tent is the most pretentious dwelling, would 
naturally be those of permanence and stability, and of 
resemblance to the solid houses of European communities , 
and these are precisely the ones to which the narrators 



CABEZA DE VAC A. 81 

allude. The inhabitants of these towns, of which the 
Spaniards visited several, are described as the " finest 
persons of any we saw, of the greatest activity and 
strength, who best understood us and most intelligently 
answered our inquiries." "We calh^d them," says Vaca, 
'' ' the cow nation ' because most of the cattle killed are 
slaughtered in their neighborhood, and along that river 
upwards for fifty leagues they destroy great numbers.'' 
The country was found to be very populous, and the 
inhabitants lived on beans^ pumpkins, and corn, al- 
though at that time the latter was scarce on account of 
drought. The people did not understand the language 
of the Indians who had accompanied the Spaniards, and 
seemed to be different in many ways. After stopping 
a few days the Christians told them that they must go 
on toward the setting sun, and enquired concerning the 
best route. The Indians replied that the only fea- 
sible path was to follow the great river they were on up- 
ward to the north, for if they went more directly to the 
west, they would have a long journey across a desert, 
where there was nothing to eat except a fruit called by 
the natives "chacan," which, even when ground between 
stones, could scarcely be used as an article of food on ac- 
count of its dryness and pungency. Along the river, on 
the contrar}^ there was a continuous population; and 
though they had few provisions, yet they would receive 
the strangers with the best of good-will and hospital! t3\ 
The Spaniards, however, disliked to add anything un- 
necessary to the length of the journey required to bring 
them to some of their own nationality, and determined 
to brave the dangers and sufierings of the desert route. 
They found it as represented, and indeed were not able 
to swallow the chacan fruit at all, but had to subsist 
on a handful of deer suet each day, this being the most 
concentrated form of nutriment that Cabeza de Vaca 
could devise, and he having devoted much time to its 
collection for the purpose 



82 CABEZA DE VACA. 

The route here is obscurely recorded, as it appears 
they did proceed up the river for seventeen days, and 
then, after crossing, a further journey of seventeen days 
brought the travellers to a land of plenty again, where 
were large supplies of flour, grain, beans, and pump- 
kins ; but before reaching this, they had passed through 
a section where during four months of the year the peo- 
2)le lived on nothing but the powder of straw, and their 
journey happening to come exactly at that time, they 
were compelled to accept the same scanty diet. It may 
be added that on the journey they were j^resented with 
" coverings of cowhide," meaning buffalo-hides, in con- 
siderable numbers. The land of plenty, when reached, 
was one where the natives had permanent structures 
for houses, some of earth, and some of cane mats. 
Through this good land they travelled l>y^thei-r-0Wn^ 
computation (which is almost always exaggerated) 
ov-er 100 leagues, finding everywhere settled habita- 
tions, and plenty of corn and beans^ The people gave 
them "cotton shawls, better than those of New Spain, 
many beads, and certain corals found on the South Sea, 
and fine turquoises that came from the North.'7 *'In- 
deed they gave us," says the chronicler, " eve'rything 
they had. To me they gave five emeralds, made into 
a.rrow-heads, which they use at their singing and danc- 
ing. They appeared to be very precious. I asked 
whence they got these, and they said the stones were 
brought from some lofty mountains that stand towards 
the north, where were populous towns and very large 
houses, and that they were purchased with plumes and 
feathers of parrots." The " populous towns and very 
large houses" undoubtedly referred to the greater 
pueblos to the north. Here for the first time the Span- 
iards saw the use of the *' Soap-weed " (Yucca filamen- 
tosa, called also Spanish Bayonet and Amole) for cleans- 
ing purposes, and found a people w^ho habitually used 
ooverir.':;^' for the foot, like shoes or moccasins. " These 



CABEZA DE VACA. 83 

Indians," continues the narrative, "ever accompanied 
us until tliey delivered us to others, and all held full 
faith in our coming from heaven. While travelling we 
went without food all day until night, and we ate so little 
as to astonish them. We never felt exhaustion, neither 
were we in fact at all weary, so inured were we to hard- 
ship. We possessed great influence and authority ; to 
preserve both we seldom talked with them. The negro 
was in constant conversation ; he informed himself 
about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there 
were, and the matters we desired to know. We passed 
through many and dissimilar tongues. Our Lord 
granted us favor with the people who s2X)ke them, for 
they always understood us, and we them. We ques- 
tioned them and received their answers by signs, just as 
if they spoke our language and we theirs; for although 
we knew six languages, we could not everywhere avail 
ourselves of them, there being a thousand differences. 
Throughout all these countries the people who were at 
war immediately made friends, that they might come 
to meet us, and bring what they possessed. In this way 
Ave left all the land at peace, and we taught all the in- 
habitants by signs which they understood, that in 
heaven was a man we called God, who had created the 
sky and the earth ; him we worshiped and had for our 
Master; that we did what he commanded, and from his 
hand came all good ; and would they do as we did, all 
would be well with them. They are a people of good 
condition and substance, capable in any pursuit." 

Proceeding onward, always to the west, and through 
a town which they named the Town of Hearts (Pueblo 
de los Corazones), they came to a village, where the in- 
cessant rain detained them for a fortnight ; and during 
that time at length saw the first signs which gave token 
of an approach to the European settlements which they 
had so long been seeking. Hung to the neck of an In- 
dian, Castillo saw the buckle of a sword-bolt, and at- 



84 CABEZA DE VACA. 

tached to it the nail of a horse shoe. While small 
things in themselves, to the Spaniard these spoke vol- 
umes, for they were sure signs of some communication 
with a civilized and Christian people. Eagerly he in- 
quired of the owner whence they had come, and was 
told that they had come from heaven. He asked how, 
and who had brought them, and then came the answer 
they were so earnestly waiting for, that a number of 
men with beards like the Spaniards had come from 
heaven to the river near by, bringing horses, lances, 
and swords, and that they had lanced two Indians. 
" What had become of these men," asked the travellers, 
endeavoring to suppress any signs of their intense in- 
terest. The answer was that " they had gone to sea 
putting their lances beneath the watei, and going them- 
selves under the water ; afterwards they were seen on 
the surface of the water going towards the setting sun." 
Never were men more rejoiced than the Spaniards, at 
the news which showed that the colonies of their 
countrymen were near at hand. 

From this point information regarding Europeans^ 
and signs of their recent presence, increased at every 
step. Unfortunately, too much of this was of an un- 
favorable and shameful character. Everywhere the 
new-comers had made themselves feared and hated, and 
not loved. Wherever they had been they had killed, 
abused, or enslaved the natives. Cabeza de Vaca in 
pressing westward told the natives that he was going in 
search of these people to tell them no more to kill or 
enslave them, nor despoil their houses and lands, nor 
do other injustices; and at this the poor natives greatly 
rejoiced. Passing on, they found whole territories 
depopulated because the inhabitants had fled to the 
mountains for fear of the Spaniards. For two years 
they had planted no corn, because whatever they raised 
was stolen by the marauding parties of the Europeans. 
They had abandoned their houses, which were found 



CABEZA DE VACA. 85 

going into decay; and although the land was of great 
fertility and well watered, they were wretchedly sub- 
sisting on roots and the bark of trees. To Cabeza de 
Vaca and his companions, whom they never associated 
in any way with these Spanish oppressors from the 
west, they cheerfully brought the few things which 
they had saved by concealment ; at the same time tell- 
ing them of the forays of their bearded enemies, who 
had carried off half the men and all the women and 
boys from the valleys into slavery, only those remain- 
ing who had escaped to the mountains. Contrasting 
the generous confidence with which his own party was 
received, and the high respect and veneration paid to 
them, though they were impoverished, naked, and half 
starved, with the fear and hatred which the outrages 
and oppression of the Spaniards of Sinoloa had inspired, 
the chronicler well says in his report to the emperor : 
^'Thence it may at once be seen, that to bring all these 
people to be Christians, and to the obedience of the Im- 
perial Majesty, they must be won by kindness, which 
is a way certain-, and no other is." 

Trying to collect the natives, as usual, for a confer- 
ence, the messengers of Cabeza de Vaca returned, saying 
that it was impossible, as some of the people had seen 
the Christians from behind trees the night before, and 
so all were fleeing to the mountains ; especially, as they 
had seen slaves in chains with the Spanish party. The 
truth of this was soon evident; as the travellers reached 
a point where the Christians had encamped at night, 
the stakes showed that they were horsemen. Vaca cal- 
culated that the distance from this point to the town 
where they first saw the buckle and nail was ninety-two 
leagues; the river, where the Spaniards had first been 
seen by the natives, being about twelve leagues west of 
that village. As the Spanish marauding party had now 
been, passed, and Vaca feared that they were killing and 
enslaving the kind and hospitable people through whose 



86 CABEZA DE VACA. 

country he had just come, he turned back, with Estev- 
anico and eleven Indians, to seek them; and followed 
their trail ten leagues, and finally the next day overtook 
four of them on horseback. What a strange meeting! 
Men born in the same land, across the Atlantic, meeting 
in an Indian territory close to the Pacific; one party, 
after journeying for seven years across a continent, en- 
during all kinds of hardships, emaciated, and having 
almost lost the semblance of European civilization; the 
others coming from the opposite direction, well armed, 
and on horseback, seeking conquests and riches. " They 
were astonished at sight of me," says Cabeza de Vaca; 
"so confounded that they neither hailed me nor drew 
near to make an inquiry. I bade them take me to their 
chief; accordingly, we went together half a league to 
the place where was Diego de Alcaraz, their captain." 
After his surprise at seeing Vaca had subsided, Al- 
caraz told him that he was completely discouraged ; that 
for a long titne he had not been able to capture any In- 
dians; and that his men were worn out and discontented 
from hunger and fatigue. Vaca then told him that his 
companions, Castillo and Dorantes, were but ten miles 
off with a multitude of friendly Indians, and desired 
that they should be sent for; which was quickly done, 
three horsemen being swiftly despatched, with Estev- 
anico as a guide. Five days afterwards they returned 
with Castillo and Dorantes, and more than 600 Indians; 
many of whom were those who had fled from Alcaraz, 
but who gladly showed their confidence in Cabeza de 
Vaca and his companions. Alcaraz begged that they 
would ask the Indians to bring food; and this they cheer- 
fully did at the request of Vaca— bringing pots full of 
corn, which they had hidden in the ground, and Vaca 
distributed it to the Spanish troops. But no sooner had 
the latter satisfied their hunger than they forgot all 
sense of obligation, and wished to capture the Indians 
and make slaves of them. This outrage Cabeza de Vaca 



CABEZA DE VACA. 87 

and his companions opposed vigorously, and finally suc- 
ceeded, after many high words, in preventing it; and 
persuaded the Indians, by promises of future good treat- 
ment, to return to their houses and fields. 

The confidence ^hich the natives showed in these 
wanderers, in contrast to the hatred and fear for the 
Mexican Spaniards, caused a strange feeling of jealousy 
on the part of the latter; and calling an interpreter, they 
told the Indians that Cabeza de Vaca and his friends 
were of the same people as themselves, only they had 
been lost a long time; that they themselves were the 
lords of the land who must be obeyed and served, while 
the wanderers were persons of mean condition and 
small importance. But the Indians were not to be in- 
fluenced by any such talk, and conversing among them- 
selves said, as the narrative of Vaca tells us, " that 
the Spaniards lied, for we came from the land where 
the sun rises, while the others came from the land where 
the sun sets ; we healed the sick, they killed the sound; 
that we had come naked and barefooted, while they 
had arrived in clothing and on horses, with lances; that 
we were not covetous of anything, but all that was 
given us we directly turned to give, retaining nothing ; 
that the others had no other purpose than to rob whom- 
soever they found, bestowing nothing on any one. Even 
to the last I could not convince the Indians that we 
were of the Christians, and only with great effort and 
solicitation we got them to go back to their residences. 
We ordered them to put away apprehensions, establish 
their towns and cultivate the soil. The Indians at 
taking their leave told us they would do what we com- 
manded, and would build their towns, if the Christians 
would suffer them ; and this I say and affirm most 
positively, that if they have not done so, it is the 
fault of the Christians." So early could an experienced 
traveler and military officer, with no natural predilec- 
tion in favor of the Indians, state in one brief and ter?3 



88 CABEZA DE VACA. 

sentence the fact so often repeated since, of the original 
cause of the great majority of difficulties between the 
Europeans and the native possessors of the land. 

Dismissing now their Indian escort, the four travel- 
lers hastened on to the habitations of their ov/n people ; 
and when three leagues from Culiacan, were met by the 
Alcalde of that town, Don Melchior Diaz, who was also 
Captain of the Province, and who had heard of their ap- 
proach. He wept at sight of them, and gave praise to 
God who had preserved them through such great dan- 
gers. On behalf of the Governor, Nuno de Guzman, as 
well as himself he tendered all the hospitality and service 
in his power. The travellers wished to lose no time in 
journeying towards Mexico, but the Alcalde begged 
them to remain long enough to give confidence to the 
Indians and induce them again to inhabit the fruitful 
valleys which were now going to waste. This was no 
easy task, as Alcaraz immediately after the departure of 
Cabeza de Vaca had recommenced his outrages upon 
the natives; but finally through the influence of those 
to whom they looked up with so much reverence and 
respect they were brought in. Many of them were 
baptized, and the Captain of the Province, in the pres- 
ence of them all, made a covenant with God no more to 
invade, or consent to invasion, nor to enslave any of 
the people. Having accomplished this double benefit 
to both Spaniards and Indians, the four companions 
proceeded on their way, arriving at the town of San 
Miguel on April 1, 1536, and on July 25 at the City 
of Mexico, where they were welcomed with great re- 
joicing, and entertained most handsomely by the Viceroy 
of New Spain, and by Cortez, who now bore the title of 
Marquis of the Valley. From thence, by reason of 
storms and the dangers of enemies on the sea in the 
war then raging, they were over a year in reaching 
Europe, finally landing at Lisbon on the 8th of Au- 
gust, 1537, more than ten years after they iiad left San 



CABEZA DE VACA. 89 

Lucar, in high hopes of conquering an empire in 
Florida. 

Thus ended the expedition begun with intent to find 
another El Dorado, similar to those of the Montezumas 
and the Incas, and which, though doomed to c^saster 
from its very inception, and utterly unsuccessful in ac- 
complishing its design, yet lives in history through the 
sufferings and endurance of the four men who were the 
first to cross the continent north of the comparatively 
narrow domains of Mexico. By the people of New 
Mexico the name of Cabeza de Vaca will ever be held in 
special remembrance as that of the first European who 
ever passed through her territory. While some parts 
of his narrative are obscure, and in the absence of names 
that can be identified with any of those of more modern 
days, or even with those preserved by subsequent travel- 
lers among the Spaniards, it is difficult always to deter- 
mine localities with entire certainty, yet we are enabled 
with a little care to distinguish quite accurately the 
general course of this most extraordinary journey. 

The follow^ing seem to be the points of most inter- 
est in this regard: The bay in which the Spaniards 
first landed and where Narvaez set up the Imperial 
Ensign, was probably Charlotte Harbor, or some- 
where in that vicinity, on the west coast of Florida; 
and the large bay discovered on Easter Monday, and 
which stretched far inland, was undoubtedly Tampa 
Bay. It is possible that the first landing place was 
one of the coves which are found in the southerly 
part of the same bay, as the distance between the two 
places was not great. The river reached after fifteen 
days travel, and which was crossed with difficulty on 
account of its width, was certainly the Withlacoochee, 
as there is no other that answers the description; and 
the "wide and deep river with the rapid current," where 
they had to stop and build a canoe in order to cross 
and where Juan Velasquez was drowned, was undoubt- 



UO CABEZA DE VAC A. 

edly the Suwanee. As thirty days were occupied in 
travelling from one of these rivers to the other, eithei 
the journey must have been specially slow and difficult 
or else the expedition crossed the latter pretty high up, 
probably just below the junction of the Santa Fe, its 
eastern branch, as the narrative makes no mention of 
crossing that stream separately. 

The next point of interest is the town of Apalache; 
and this appears to have been situated in the vicinity 
of Tallahassee, though from the time required to reach 
Ante, it may have been further north, in south-western 
Georgia, or near the locality of Chattahoochee. Of the 
town of Ante, we know that it was but a days* march 
from the sea and near a very large stream, which the 
Spaniards called Magdalena. This may have been near 
St. Marks, or perhaps the great river was the Apalachi- 
cola, and Ante may have been near the site of Fort 
Gadsden. This seems more probable, as the extpedition 
of twenty men sent out to explore the coast gave a re- 
poi't of the bay being large and the seashore still dis- 
tant. Charlevoix, however, who was at San Marcos de 
Apalache (St. Marks) in 1722, writes: ''This bay is 
precisely that which Garcilasso de la Vega, in his his- 
tory of Florida, calls the port of Ante;" and an ancient 
map, drawn by no less an authority than Sebastian 
Cabot, shows Apalache Bay, with the note in bad Span- 
ish, ^^ Aqui deSdh Barco panflo deNarnez.^' {Aqui desemharco 
Panfilo de Narvaez). If this is true, then the Bahia de 
Caballos of Narvaez is the Apalache Bay of the present. 
The village where the battle was had with the Indians^ 
and where the robe of civet-marten was obtained, was 
probably near Pensacola ; and the place where Teodoro, 
the Greek, was abandoned, at the m'^nth of Mobile Bay. 
But there is some authority for believing that the lat- 
ter point was also in Pensacola Bay, instead of being 
further west However this may be, there can be no 
doubt that the groat river which emptied such enor- 



CABEZA DE VACA. 91 

mous quantities of fresh water into the Gulf, with such a 
swift current, was the Mississippi. 

From this point it is more difficult to trace the exact 
route of the travellers, as times and distances are 
wanting, except in a few instances. The Island of 
Malhado and Espiritu Santo Bay have been located by 
different historians in widely varying localities. Buck- 
ingham Smith, in the first edition of his translation of 
Cabeza de Vaca's narrative, places them as far east as 
Mobile Bay, and traces the travellers' route north to the 
MuGcle Shoals in the Tennessee River. This, how- 
ever, could not well be, in connection with other parts 
of the route. And in the edition of 1871, he has 
changed his views so far as to suggest that the locality 
may have been as far west as San Antonio Bay in 
Texas. W. W. H. Davis, in his " Spanish Conquest of 
New Mexico," expresses the opinion that Malhado was 
one of the low islands on the coast of Louisiana ; and the 
mention of a tribe called Atayos in the narrative, who 
are probably identical with the Adayes, who lived in 
1805 about forty miles from Nachitoches, and the 
Hadaies, who years before were reported as being be- 
tween the Nachitoches and Sabine Rivers, — adds plausi- 
bility to this view. It is possible that the island may 
have been at or near Galveston, or as fcir west as the 
beaches or islands known as Matagorda Beach and Mat- 
agorda Island, which are the outer protections of Mat- 
agorda and San Antonio Bays All that we can say 
certainly is that the Island of Malhado was one of the 
low islands so numerous on the coast of western Louisi- 
ana and Texas ; and rest contented with that amount of 
knowledge. From here the course of Cabeza de Vaca 
and his three companions was in a generally north- 
westerly direction until the plains were reached, and 
afterwards the mountains seen, and from thence gener- 
ally south-west into Sonora and Sinaloa. 

The country with towns of "fixed habitations" 



92 CABEZA DE VACA. 

undoubtedly referred to the domain of the Pueblo In- 
dians in New Mexico ; and the great river coming from 
the north, which they crossed, was in all probability the 
Pecos. From there they were guided through fifty 
leagues of desert, and over rough mountains to another 
very great river, the water of which was breast high. 
This was undoubtedly the Rio Grande ; and it was here 
that they had the long parleying with the natives as to 
the route to be pursued, the latter telling them of the 
great deserts to be passed if they went directly west- 
ward. Up this river they marched for thirty-four days 
— seventeen on tlie east side and seventeen on the west. 
Part of the distance was over plains lying between 
chains of great mountains; and they proceeded till they 
reached permanent habitations, where abundance of 
corn was raised, and where the natives, besides pump- 
kins, beans, etc., had '' shawls of cotton." Some of their 
houses were of earth and some of cane mats. Just how 
far up the valley of the Rio Grande Cabeza de Vaca came 
we shall probably never know ; but evidently not further 
than central New Mexico, as the turquoises which were 
presented to him, and which certainly came from the 
great Chalchiuitl Mountain in the Cerrillos, twenty 
miles south of Santa Fe, he mentions as coming " from 
the north." From the highest point reached, the party 
seem to have turned quite abruptly west, probably as 
soon as they had passed by the desert regions on the 
west of the river ; and then marched for more than a 
100 leagues, continually finding settled domicils, with 
plenty of maize and beans. It may be well conjectured 
that this was along the line of the Puerco and San Jose, 
and among the numerous pueblo towns, of which we 
have such full descriptions a few years later, in the time 
of Coronado ; although the route may have been further 
south. From this time the course of the travellers was 
south-west until they reached the points in Sonora, 
where they neard of the nearness of other Christians. 



CABEZA DE VACA. ^O 

Before leaving the subject of Cabeza de Vaca, it seems 
only proper to add a few words as to the subsequent his- 
tory of this extraordinary man — everything in relation 
to whom is of interest in connection with early New 
Mexican history : For three years after his arrival in 
fSpain, and the presentation of his "Relation" to the 
king, he appears to have lived in comparative seclusion; 
recovering slowly from the terrible exhaustion and after- 
effects of his wanderings, privations, and sufferings. At 
the end of that time (1540), news came to Spain of the 
death, by an 'Indian ambuscade, of the Commander Ay- 
olas, who had been governor of a colony in South Amer- 
ica, where the Republic of Paraguay is now situated. 
The surviving colonists sent urgent entreaties to the 
mother country for succor, and Cabeza de Vaca was se- 
lected to command the new expedition, and appointed 
as the governor of the colony. He was to furnish 8,000 
ducats towards the expenses of the enterprise, but in 
return was given the titles of Governor, Captain-Gen- 
eral, and Adelantado, and entitled to one-twelfth of the 
produce of the countries he should conquer. 

After many difficulties he landed at St. Catharine's, 
in Brazil, in March, 1541 ; and from there marched across 
an utterly unknown country, and amid dangers which 
exceeded anything, even, that he had known in North 
America, — to the River Parana. Arrived here, he ex- 
pected to be met by boats to convey his troops to Asun- 
cion ; but the Lieutenant-Governor, one Irala, was an 
ambitious man, who had brought about the destruction 
of the preceding Governor, and was in no way desirous 
to hasten the advent of his successor — and so none were 
at hand. With his indomitable energy, however, Vaca 
surmounted all difficulties, and finally arrived at his 
capital on March 11, 1542. But Irala secretly labored 
against him, and finally succeeded in raising an insur- 
rection ; in the midst of which the Governor was seized, 
thrown into prison, and so closely confined that his 



94 ' CABEZA DE VACA. 

friends, for nearly a year, thought him dead. At length, 
more dead than alive, he was carried on board a vessel 
and sent to Spain, with documents from Irala (now Act- 
ing-Governor) accusing him of the gravest crimes. Dur- 
ing the voyage he was loaded with chains, and treated 
in the most inhuman manner; and on his arrival in 
Spain, in September, 1545, his ill fortune followed him, 
for his friend, the Bishop of Cuenca (President of the 
Council), was just dead, and had been succeeded by the 
stern Bishop of Burgos, the advocate of Indian slavery, 
who was indisposed to look favorably on Cabeza de Vaca. 
His enemies prevailed, and he was thrown into prison 
to await his trial ; and while constantly petitioning to 
be released on security, remained in confinement for 
more than six years. Finally, in March, 1551, the Coun- 
cilors of the Indies delivered their judgment, which 
was — that he be stripped of all the titles and privileges 
he had enjoyed, and banished for five years to Oran in 
Africa, there to serve the king, at his own expense, 
with horse and arms, on penalty of having the term of 
banishment doubled. It is doubtful if this sentence 
was in all respects executed— the history of the re- 
mainder of his life being clothed in much obscurity. 
It is to be hoped that the record of Charlevoix is cor- 
rect, which says : "At last the Emperor granted him a 
pension of 2,000 crowns, and gave him a place in the 
Royal Audience of Seville, where he died at an advanced 
age." Charlevoix adds : " I have, indeed, seen a memo- 
rial in which it is said that he was immediately gratified 
with a seat in the Council of the Indies." 

Altogether he was a remarkable man, and though his 
cotemporaries differed greatly in their estimate of his 
character, yet none could disparage his courage or his 
power s of endurance. Some went so far in their 
regard for his reputation as to credit him with the 
working of miracles, and a theological controversy 
arose therefrom, as to the possibility of the performance 



CABEZA DE VACA. 



95 



of a miracle by a layman. We may all, however, con- 
cur in the closing remarks on his character by the 
late Thos. W. Field: '*He attempted the abolition of 
slavery to which the Indians had been illegally sub- 
jected, and a reform of the morals of Christians to a 
standard which would entitle them to the respect 
of savages; and in both he failed. He is scarcely 
to be decried for this, as three centuries elapsed 
before the first object was accomplished, and of the last 
history has little to record." 




ClIAPTEK IV. 



THE EXPEDITION OF FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 

THE next European to enter the territory now em- 
braced in New Mexico was Friar Marcos de Niza, a 
Franciscan. As will shortly be seen, his expedition, 
which was purely one of exploration, was the direct 
result of the news which Cabeza de Vaca brought to 
Mexico of the rich countries to the north; and the negro 
companion of Cabeza became the guide of Marcos. 

But before proceeding with the story of the journey 
of the Friar, a few words should be devoted to an 
attempt previously made to enter New Mexico from the 
south-west, based on information of the great wealth 
and splendor of its cities, brought by a native Indian. 
In the year 1530 Nuno de Guzman, who was President 
of New Spain, possessed an Indian who was a native of 
the Valley of Oxitipa, which the Spaniards call Tejos. 
The Indian told him that he was the son of a merchant 
who had died a long time before, but who, in his life- 
time, used to travel through the interior of the country 
in order to sell ornamental feathers, to be made into 
plumes, and who obtained in exchange for them great 
quantities of gold and silver, which metals were very 
common in that country. The Indian added that he 
had accompanied his father on one or two of these trips, 
and had seen cities which were so splendid and large as 
to compare favorably with the City of Mexico. These 
cities were seven in number, and in them were whole 
streets occupied by goldsmiths. To reach this country, 
it was necessary to march for forty days across a desert, 
where there was no vegetation but a species of short 
grass about five inches high, and to go into the interior 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 97 

of the continent in a northerly direction between 
the two oceans. 

Nuno de Guzman, full of confidence in these state- 
ments, raised an army of 400 Spaniards and 20,000 In- 
dian allies, in New Spain, and starting from the City of 
Mexico, marched through the Province of Tarasca, a 
dependency of Michoacan. According to the report of 
the Indian, he would find the desired country — to which 
he had given the name of the"Land of the Seven Cities" — 
by proceeding toward the north, and the President be- 
lieved it to be about 200 leagues distant, calculating'from 
the forty days which his informant had said would be 
required for the journey. All went well until he arrived 
in the Province of Culiacan, which was beyond his 
own government and within what afterwards consti- 
tuted the Kingdom of New Galicia ; but there he began 
to meet many difficulties. The mountain regions 
which he had to traverse, were so wild and inaccessible 
that notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts he was 
unable to find a passage. On account of this lack of 
roads the army was obliged to remain at Culiacan, and 
the rich Spaniards who had accompanied him, and who 
had left in Mexico large numbers of slaves, became dis- 
heartened and very desirous of returning to their homes. 
Perhaps Guzman himself would have agreed to this 
and marched back to Mexico, but just then information 
was received that Cortez had arrived from Spain, with 
increased powers and honors, and bearing the new title 
of " Marquis of the Valley." As Guzman, while he 
had been President during the absence of Cortez, had 
shown himself his bitter enemy, and had seized and 
wasted his property, and that of his friends, he was 
afraid that the new Marquis would retaliate by like 
treatment, or perhaps worse. So, finding it impossible 
to go on with the expedition and yet fearing to return 
to Mexico, he determined to colonize the Province of 
Culiaca,n, and so remained there with such of his 



98 FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 

Spanish friends as he could induce to take part in the 
new enterprise. They established themselves at Xalisco, 
afterwards called Compostello, and at Tonala, which is 
the present Guadalajara; and finding enough to occupy 
them in this work, they abandoned all idea of continu- 
ing their expedition. The Tejo Indian died, and so for 
several years the "Seven Cities" remained unknown, 
except in name. 

For eight years Guzman remained and governed this 
Province, when, with the suddenness which character- 
ized political changes in the Spanish Colonies at that 
time, he found himself not only succeeded by a new 
Governor sent from Spain, and named De la Torre ; but 
accused of various crimes and thrown into prison. The 
new Governor lived but a short time to enjoy his colo- 
nial dignity; and the naming of his successor devolved 
upon Don Antonio de Mendoza, Viceroy of all New 
Spain^ who appointed Francisco Vasquez Coronado. 
This gentleman was a native of Salamanca, but had 
established himself in Mexico, where he had greatly 
strengthened his position by a marriage with tlio 
daughter of the Treasurer, Don Alonzo d' Estrada, former 
Governor of Mexico, and who was generally believed to 
be a natural son of King Ferdinand, the Catholic. Cor- 
onado was a man of wealth and high character, and at 
the time of his appointment was travelling through New 
Spain, in order to see the country, and at the same time 
making valuable acquaintances for the future. Just as 
Coronado had been appointed by the Viceroy, Antonio 
de Mendoza, as Governor of New Galicia, Cabeza de 
Vaca, accompanied by Dorantes, Castillo, and the negro 
Estevanico, arrived in Mexico from that very Province, 
after their perilous and romantic journey; and their 
appearance years after they had been supposed dead, and 
the strange stories they told of their adventure, attracted 
much attention. To the Viceroy they made a special 
report, in which they gave a glowing account of parts 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 99 

of the countries they had traversed, and in particular 
spoke of great and powerful cities, in which the houses 
were four or five stories in height, and " of other things, " 
adds Castaneda, writing of it long after, " very difierent 
from those which existed in reality." These accounts 
were quickl}^ communicated by the Viceroy to Coro- 
nado, and caused the latter to be so much excited at the 
thought of the possibilities of discoveries and conquests 
in the vicinity of the Province which he was appointed 
to govern, that he abandoned a tour in w^hich he was 
engaged, in order to hasten immediately to Culiacan. 
He carried with him the negro Estevanico, who had 
accompanied Cabeza de Vaca, and also three Franciscan 
monks, Marcos de Niza, who was a priest and theolo- 
gian, and Daniel and Antonio de Santa Maria, lay 
brothers ; Marcos having already much experience in 
hazardous expeditions, under Alvarado in Peru. 

No sooner had Coronado arrived at the seat of his 
new Government than he took immediate measures to 
send the Franciscans, under the guidance of Estevanico, 
in search of the Land of the Seven Cities. It appears 
that the monks were not at all pleased with the conduct 
of the negro, who carried with him everywhere a num- 
ber of women, and whose only thought w^as to enrich 
himself; but as he was able to understand the language of 
the natives of the country which they wished to penetrate, 
and as the Indians were acquainted with him, they 
concluded to send him in advance, so that they might 
be able to follow peacefully, and gather the information 
desired without difficulty or danger. Friar Marcos had 
received special instructions from the Viceroy Mendoza, 
before leaving Mexico, as to his duties on this expedition, 
" undertaken for the honor and glory of the Holy 
Trinity and for the propagation of our Holy Catholic 
Faith." The very first sentence shows the good effect 
of the influence of Cabeza de Vaca, as the Franciscan is 
told, as soon as he arrives at Culiacan, to exhort the 



100 FRIAR MARCOS DE ^'IZA. 

Spaniards to treat the Indians better, promising them 
rewards if they obey, and threatening punishments if 
they refuse, and then to visit the Indians and assure 
them that the Emperor has been greatly pained at their 
sufferings, that they shall no more be enslaved, and 
that every one maltreating them shall be punished. 
" Make them banish all fear and recognize God our 
Saviour, who is in heaven, and the Emperor whom He 
has placed on earth, to reign and gover.n." The 
instructions went on to say that if a route was found 
into the interior, -then he was to proceed to explore, 
taking Estevanico as guide. He was to use great care and 
avoid all occasions of difficulty with the Indians, and to 
observe carefully the characteristics of the people, the 
nature of the soil, the temperature, the trees, plants 
and animals, the minerals and metals; and, wherever 
possible, to obtain specimens. In case his travels took 
him to the South Sea, he was to bury at the foot of some 
conspicuous tree on the shore such documents as would 
be valuable, and to raise a large cross there to designate 
the spot. If a large city was found, where it seemed 
desirable to found a monastery, he was to return to Culi- 
acan to make the necessary arrangements therefor; " for 
in the proposed conquest the most important matter is 
the service of our Lord, and the good of the natives of 
the country." And lastly, ''as all the earth belongs to 
the Emperor, our master, you are authorized to take 
possession of new countries in the name of his majesty; 
and you will make the natives understand that there is 
one God in heaven, or one Emperor on earth, who reign 
and govern." These instructions the Friar acknowl- 
edged having received, and promised to obey, on the 
25th of November, 1538; and very soon after set off with 
Coronado and the two lay brothers for Culiacan, 

We are fortunate in having a full account of the 
expedition of Friar Marcos written by his own hand. 
It is full of inaccuracies and extraordinary exaggera- 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 101 

tions ; but we give the substance of it here, as a knowl- 
edge of those very exaggerations is necessary, not only 
to give us a correct view of the spirit of the times, but 
also to show on what kind of statements the expedition 
of Coronado, in the succeeding year, was based. The 
'^ Relation of Friar Marcos de Niza" is in the form of a 
report to the king ; and was most formally certified by 
the writer to be absolutely true, in the presence of the 
Viceroy, the Auditor, Francisco de Ceinos, and Governor 
Coronado, and attested by various notaries, at Temixti- 
tan, on September 2, 1539. It is published in Ramusio, 
Vol. IIL, page 297; Hakluyt, Vol. III., page 438; as an 
appendix to H. Ternaux's Castaneda, page 256; etc., etc. 
" By aid of the favor of the Holy Virgin Mary, our lady, 
and of our seraphic father St. Francis, I, Friar Marcos 
de Niza, left the city of San Miguel, in the province of 
Culiacan, on Friday the 7th of March, 1539," commences 
the ''Relation." The Friar was accompanied by Friar 
Onorato, and by Estevanico, or Stephen, the Barbary ne- 
gro; and also by a number of Indians whom the Viceroy 
had freed from slavery for the purpose, and a large body of 
other Indians belonging to Petatlan, and a town called 
Cuchillo, some fifty leagues beyond. They first travelled 
to the town of Petatlan, following the general line of 
the coast of the Gulf of California, and a short distance 
from it. Everywhere along the route the people re- 
ceived them with joy, and did everything in their 
power to show their appreciation of the action of the 
Viceroy and Governor in saving them from slavery and 
stopping the outrages to which they had before been 
subjected. They brought provisions and flowers as 
presents ; and wherever there were no houses, con- 
structed temporary bowers of the branches of trees for 
shelter for the travellers. At Petatlan, Friar Onorato 
fell sick, and after waiting a few days Marcos felt com- 
pelled to proceed without him, — "continuing my jour- 
neV as the Holy Ghost did lead me, although I was 



102 FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 

unworthy of such guidance," as he piously writes 
Wherever he came, the Indians gave him a warm wel- 
come; raising triumphal arches and furnishing from 
their scanty stores the best provisions that they could. 
So he went on, still following the line of the Gulf, for 
about seventy-five miles, when he was met by some 
Indians from the island which Cortez had visited on 
his voyage not long before; and also by Indians from 
another island, larger and more distant, who wore shells 
of mother-of-pearl suspended from their necks, and who 
told him that pearls abounded on their shores. 

Here he reached the border of a desert so wide that it 
required four days to cross it, and which evidently formed 
a complete barrier to intercourse between the natives, 
for when he arrived on the other side and met the peo- 
ple there, they were greatly astonished to see him, be- 
cause they had never before heard of Europeans, or seen 
any persons who resembled the strangers. They called 
the Friar" Hayota," meaning " a man from heaven," and 
pressed him simply to touch his garments, and in every 
way showed their respect and veneration. In return, 
by means of interpreters, he endeavored to teach them 
of God and the Emperor, the heavenly and earthly au- 
thorities whom they ought to obey. As these people 
were poor, the travellers eagerly inquired for news of anj'- 
large cities or wealthy tribes ; and w' ere told that in the 
interior of the country, four or five days' journey from 
the base of the mountains, there was a very extensive 
plain, which contained a considerable number of great 
towns inhabited by a people who w^ere dressed in cotton, 
and whose vessels were made of gold. On further in- 
quiry, they said that these people wore "certain round 
green stones hanging at their nostrils and at their ears, 
and that they have certain thin plates of gold where- 
with they scrape off their sweat," and that the precious 
metal was so plentiful that the walls of their temples 
were covered with it. 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 103 

This description was certainly sufficiently enticing, 
but as he wished not to be drawn so far into the interior, 
the Friar concluded to defer the exploration of this rich 
country until his return ; and meantime proceeded for 
three days through the domain of the same tribe that 
he first met beyond the desert, when he arrived at a city 
of medium size ( " reasonable bigness " the old translation 
in Hakluyt expresses it), where the people received him 
with great hospitality, and a bountiful supply of pro- 
visions, of which they had abundance, as the land was 
very fertile. The Spaniards arrived here on the Friday 
before Palm Sunday, and Marcos determined to remain 
until after Easter, and meanwhile to obtain all possi- 
ble information of the surrounding country. Under- 
standing that the Pacific coast (South Sea) was but 
forty leagues distant, he sent Indian messengers by 
three different routes to bring to him some of the in- 
habitants of the main-land and the adjacent islands, in 
order that he might learn from them direct the facts re- 
garding their country. The negro, Stephen,he dispatched 
towards the north, with instructions to proceed fifty or 
sixty leagues, to see if anything of importance was to be 
discovered in that direction. His instructions were, if 
he gained any information of interest, either to return 
or to send an Indian messenger ; and in the latter case 
a novel series of signs was agreed on. If the discovery 
"was but a mean thing, he should send me a white cross 
of one handful long; if it were any great matter, one of 
two handfuls long ; and if it were a country greater and 
better than New Spain, he should send me a great cross.'* 
Stephen started on his journey on Palm Sunday in the 
afternoon, and so prompt was he to meet the highest ex- 
pectation that only four days had elapsed when Friar 
Marcos was greatly elated by the sight of messengers 
returning, bringing a great cross as high as a man, and 
news that Stephen had met people who told him of a 
countt-y which was the greatest in the world. With 



104 FRIAR MARCOS DE ^'IZA. 

the messengers, the African sent one of the people who 
had visited this wonderful land, in order that the Friar 
mierht have accurate information. This Indian told 
him that it was a thirty days' march from the point 
where Stephen was to the nearest of the cities of the 
great nation beyond, whose country he called Cibola. 
In that land there were seven very great cities, all of 
which were ruled by one sovereign; the houses were 
large and built of stone and lime, the smallest being of 
one story surmounted by a terrace, and others of two 
and three stories. The palace of the ruler was four sto- 
ries high and very finely built. The doors of the prin- 
cipal houses were ornamented with many turquoises cu- 
riously wrought, that stone being common in that coun- 
try ; and the inhabitants were all well appareled. As if 
this was not enough, he added that beyond the Seven 
Cities were other provinces exceeding them in greatness 
and riches. 

Marcos held long conversations with this man, in 
order to obtain all the information possible, and was 
more and more convinced of the truth of his statements, 
as he found him reasonable and intelligent. Naturally, 
he was eager to push on to the discovery o^ fliese 
wonderful regions, but he felt tnat he ought to await the 
return of the other messengers sent to the coast, and so 
remained several days longer at Vacupa. Meanwhile 
there arrived three Indians of the race called '' Pintados " 
— on account of their being elaborately painted on the 
face, breast, and arms — who lived far to the east ; and 
they corroborated all that the natives sent by Stephen 
had told of the glories of Cibola. Having received the 
report from the Pacific coast, in which we have no 
special interest, Marcos lost no time in setting out to 
overtake Stephen, taking with him the three Pintados 
and some other Indians, and starting on the Tuesday after 
Easter. He soon met other envoys from the negro, 
carrying a cross as large as the first, and a message beg- 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 105 

ging him to hasten on, as more recent information 
showed the country before them to be even greater and 
more marvelous than the first accounts had stated. Two 
days afterwards he arrived at the village at which 
Stephen had first heard of Cibola, and from which he 
had sent the first message. The negro had gone on 
without waiting for the Friar, but the latter found so 
many persons here to tell him of the country beyond 
that his time was well occupied. They all bore testi- 
mony to the same facts previously stated by the messen- 
gers, and added that besides the Seven Cities there were 
three other great kingdoms, named Marata, Acus, and 
Totonteac. The Indians said that they were familiar 
with Cibola, because they went there each year to work 
in the fields, and received their payment in hides and 
turquoises ; the latter being very common there, so that 
all the people wore fine and beautiful ones suspended 
from their ears and noses, and all the principal doors 
being ornamented with them. They described the dress 
of the men of Cibola as consisting of long gowns of 
cotton descending to the feet, fastened at the neck with 
a button and a long string, which hung down ; that the 
sleeves were of the same size from the shoulder to the 
wrist, and that they wore belts of turquoise around the 
waist. From the description the Friar thought that 
these dresses must be quite similar to those of Bohemia. 
The women were similarly costumed, wearing gowns 
which reached their feet. 

The people of this town showed great hospitality to 
Marcos, not only attending to all his wants after his ar- 
rival, but sending out supplies to meet him on the 
road. They brought their sick to him to be healed, and 
clustered around to touch his garments. They also 
brought him several "cow skins," (buffalo-hides), so 
admirably tanned and dressed that they appeared as if 
prepared by a most civilized people ; and all these they 
told him came from Cibola. From Vacupa the Friar 



106 FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 

continued his journey, accompanied only by the Pin- 
tados, who refused to leave him, and arrived toward 
evening at another village where he was equally welt 
received, and where he found another large cross, left 
by Stephen ns a token that the news was increasingly 
good. This, Marcos thought, was a proper place to 
carry out his instructions as to taking possession of the 
country for the Spanish Crown, and he consequently 
set up two crosses, and formally made the apj^ropriate 
proclamations. Thus he travelled on for five days, find- 
ing a succession of villages, in each of which the people 
vied with each other to do him honor, and finally, just 
before reaching a desert of which he had been told, ar- 
rived at a large town, beautifully situated near several 
small rivers, and where he was received by a great con- 
course of men and women wearing cotton clothing, 
although some were covered with well dressed bufifalo- 
skins, which they preferred to any other material. All 
the people of this town were "in caconados" — that is to 
say, wore turquoise ornaments suspended fr jm their 
noses and ears, which were called '' cacona." At their 
head were the chief of the community and two of his 
brothers, all exceedingly well dressed in cotton fabrics, 
and ornamented with caconas, and collars or necklaces 
of turquoise. They brought to the Friar great quan- 
tities of game of various kinds, as well as many buffalo- 
skins and turquoises, but he declined them all according 
to the custom which he followed in all places. 

Marcos himself was dressed in a kind of gray woolen 
cloth, then called saragosa, which Governor Coronado 
had sent to him. The chief, and some others of the 
principal men, quickly observed this, and examined the 
material with interest ; then said to the Friar that at 
Totonteac there was abundance of similar stuff, of which 
the poojDle of that country made their clothes. Marcos, 
wishing to ascertain if they really distinguished the dif- 
ference between cotton and wool, laughingly said that the 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 107 

material of, their own clothing and his was the same. 
At this they seemed indignant, and said : " Thinkest 
thou that we are ignorant that this fabric is different 
from that which we wear ? Thou wilt see in Cibola all 
the houses full of material such as ours; but at Toton- 
teac there are little animals which furnish the wool 
from which your kind of cloth is made/' This sur- 
prised and interested the Franciscan greatly, as it was 
the first information that had been received of the ex- 
istence of any kind of sheep in the country. On leaving 
this town he had to enter the desert, which w^ould occupy 
four days in crossing; but even here the kindness of the 
natives had provided for him, for during the whole pe- 
riod he found at each stopping-place, whether at noon 
or night, bowers made for his accommodation, and pro- 
visions prepared to meet his wants. 

After passing this desert he came to a most charming 
valley, through which he travelled for five days, and 
w^hich was everywhere cultivated like a garden. Vil- 
lages were scattered all through its extent, being only a 
league, and sometimes half a league, apart. In one of 
these he found some very intelligent men, from whom 
he learned still more of Cibola and Totonteac,— of the 
great houses of the former, and the sheep and woolen 
cloth of the latter. In particular, they spoke of the 
buildings, the streets, and public places of Cibola. 
Wishing to test their accuracy, the Friar said that it 
w^as not possible that houses could be built of the height 
that they had stated. Whereupon they took some earth 
and some ashes and wet them, and th-en showed how the 
stones were laid one on top of another, and how the 
building w^as thus constructed of alternate layers of 
stone and mortar, until it had arrived at its full eleva- 
tion. Still feigning ignorance, the Friar asked whether 
these men had wings so as to be able to fly to the upper 
stories of the edifice?— at which they laughed heartily, 
and drew a picture of a ladder as well as he himself 



108 FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 

could have done it, explaining that by this -means the 
upper portions were reached. Totonteac they said was 
built of similar houses, but better constructed, and more 
numerous; it was so great a city that it might be called 
limitless. 

Soon after passing this town Marcos met with an 
actual resident of Cibola, the first whom he had seen, 
and from him received a great deal of interesting infor- 
mation. The traveller describes this man as ''a white 
man of a good complexion, of far greater capacity than 
the inhabitants of this valley or those which I had left 
behind me." He was quite aged, and had fled from the 
city on account of some difficulty, but said he would re- 
turn with the Friar if the latter would procure his par- 
don. He said that the Lord of the Seven Cities lived at 
one of them called Abacus, having lieutenants in charge 
of the others. Cibola is a very large and populous city 
having many fine streets and market-places; that in 
several places there are immense houses five stories in 
height, (the French version of Ternaux-Compans says 
^'ten stories"), in which the rulers meet at certain times 
of the year. The houses are of stone and lime, the gates 
and smaller pillars of the principal residences are of 
turquoise, while all the household vessels and ornaments 
are of gold. Satisfied with modestly saying this much 
as to his own city, the Indian then informed Friar 
Marcos that all of the others of the Seven Cities were 
similarly built, but several were larger than Cibola, the 
m,ost extensive being Abacus the capital. Toward the 
southeast was situated another kingdom called Marata, 
with a large population, and many-storied houses, 
which was continually at war with the ruler of the 
Seven Cities. To the west was the kingdom of 
Totonteac, which was the greatest and most important 
in the world, thickly populated and very rich. Here 
the people were dressed in woolen cloth like that of the 
Friar, only more beautiful. They were highly civilized 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 109 

and very different from those already seen. There was 
also another very large kingdom called Acus, which he 
begged Marcos not to confound with Ahacns, the citv, 
although the names were somewhat similar. Among 
other things the Cibolan said that the people of his city 
slept on " beds raised a good height from the ground, 
with quilts and canopies over them, which cover the 
said beds." In this valley the Friar counted over a thou- 
sand buffiilo hides, extremely well prepared, and a con- 
stantly increasing amount of turquoise, all of which, 
however, was said to come from Cibola. Here also he 
was shown an enormous hide, half as large again as that 
of the largest ox, which he was told was that of a great 
beast having one horn growing from the middle of his 
forehead, which bent down towards his breast, but has a 
point going straight forward, so strong that it would 
*'break anything how strong soever it be, if he run 
against it;" and the natives told him that these animals 
were very abundant in that country. 

While here, and just before reaching the borders of 
another desert, Marcos was met by other messengers 
from Stephen, with most encouraging tidings. The 
negro sent word that he was " very joyful," because the 
further he advanced the more he heard of the richness 
of the country, and the surer he was of the correctness 
of the reports. Before leaving this fertile valley and 
entering upon the long march across the desert which 
separated it from Cibola, the Friar was induced by the 
people to stop for three days for rest and refreshment, 
and to allow a number of them to prepare to accompany 
him on his journey. Three hundred had thus acted as 
an escort to Stephen, but from the multitude who pre- 
sented themselves for that purpose at the appointed 
time, Marcos selected only thirty of the wealthiest and 
most influential men — those who were best dressed and 
adorned with the greatest number of turquoise neck- 
laces—as companions, with a number of others as 



110 FKIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 

servants to carry provisions ; the passage across this last 
desert being a long and dangerous one, usually occupy- 
ing fifteen days. They started on this journey on the 
9thof Ma}^, 1539; finding a broad and well beaten road, 
which was used for the travel to Cibola, each noon and 
night stoj^ping at places where an advance party had 
built a temporary house for the Friar, once or twice 
recognizing the houses which had been similarly pre- 
pared for Stephen a short time before, and seeing the 
remains of many old ones used by former travellers. 

Thus they journeyed for twelve days, full of enthu- 
siasm and high hopes, when they were suddenly met by 
an Indian who was one of those who accompanied 
Stephen, and was the son of one of the principal natives 
then with the Friar. He was covered with perspiration, 
nearly exhausted with fatigue, and his face was full of 
sadness and terror ; and after the first salutation, he told 
the following story: ''One day, shortly before arriving 
at Cibola, Stephen sent the calabash, or gourd, which he 
carried as a mace and which had a peculiar significance, 
by messengers, according to his custom, in order to 
announce his arrival. To this gourd was attached a 
string of bells and two feathers, one white and the other 
red. When the messengers had arrived in presence of 
the chief who rules that city for the Sovereign, they 
handed him the calabash. The chief took it, but when 
he saw the bells, became suddenly enraged and dashed it 
on the ground, ordering the messengers to leave immedi- 
ately ; for he knew these strangers, and that they had 
better not enter the city, or they would all be put to death. 
The messengers hastened back to Stephen and reported 
to him what had occurred ; but the negro replied that 
that was of no importance, for those who seemed dis- 
pleased at his coming always received him the best, and 
he continued his journey until he arrived at Cibola. 
At the moment when he was about to enter, he was met 
by a party of Indians, who took him into a large house 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NTZA. Ill 

just outside of the city, and forthwith despoiled him of 
all that he had with him, including the articles he had 
brought for trading purposes, some turquoises, and many 
other presents that he had received during the journey. 
He passed the night in this place, without anything 
either to eat or drink being given to himself or his com- 
panions, who were lodged with him. The next morn- 
ing the narrator, who was one of them, being very 
thirsty, started out of the house in order to get some 
water from a river which flowed near by. Soon after, 
he saw Stephen running away, pursued by the Cibolans, 
who were killing the Indians who were with the negro. 
As soon as the narrator saw this, he hid himself by the 
river, and at the first opportunity started back through 
the desert." 

This news threw the party of the Friar into conster- 
nation; they began to lament and murmur against their 
leader, so that he tells us he began to fear for his life ; 
but he quaintly adds : ^' I did not fear so much the 
loss of my own life as that I should not be able to re- 
turn to give information of the greatness of that country 
where our Lord God might be glorified." With a keen 
insight into human nature, he forthwith opened some 
of the packages of goods which he had brought for traffic, 
and distributed the contents among the princij^al men, 
telling them not to fear but to go forward. This they 
consented to do ; but when within a days' journey of 
Cibola they met two other Indians who had ac- 
companied Stephen, bloody and covered with wounds. 
These told the same story as the first comer, as to the 
capture and attempted escape of Stephen. They had 
been among those who were with him at the time, when 
a great multitude of natives had pursued them, killed 
some and wounded all ; but they had fortunately escaped 
and lain concealed all day thereafter, hearing much 
noise,^and seeing crowds on the walls of the city, but 
neither seeing nor hearing more of Stephen, so that in 



112 FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 

their own language, " We think they have shot him to 
death, as they have done all the rest who went with him, 
so that none are escaped but we only." The news of 
the death of so many relatives and friends roused the 
indignation of the Indians almost to frenzy, and soon 
the Friar was informed by a trusty servant, named 
Marcos, whom he had brought from Mexico, that they 
were conspiring to kill him, as they felt that through 
him and Stephen their fathers and brothers had been 
slain, and that they were liable through the same 
means to meet similar destruction. Friar Marcos tried 
the same method as before to pacify them, distributing 
many of the most beautiful and fascinating articles, and 
succeeded to some extent, and then endeavored to pre- 
vail on some of them to go on towards the city so as at 
least to get further news of the fate of Stephen; but 
this they absolutely refused to do. Then he told them 
that God would surely punish the men of Cibola, and 
that the Spanish Viceroy would speedily send an army 
to chastise the city when he should learn the news of 
the death of Stephen; but they only replied that that 
was not possible, for no people could withstand the 
power of Cibola. 

By this time Marcos was convinced of the impossi- 
bility of forcing an entrance into the city or visiting 
it peaceably, and so concluded to make as thorough an 
examination of it as he could from without. So he 
told his followers that he proposed to see it at all events, 
but not one would accompany him. Finally, when they 
saw him actually start alone, two of the cniets consented 
to join him ; and with them and his own Indians 
from the south he proceeded until he was within sight of 
the long-looked-for city. He found that it was situated 
"on a plain at the foot of a round hill, and maketh 
show to be a fair city, and better seated than any that I 
have seen in these parts. The houses are builded in 
order, according as the Indians told me, all made of stone. 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 113 

with divers stories, and flat roofs, as far as I could 
discern from the mountain, whither I ascended to view 
the city. The people are somewhat white ; they wear ap- 
parel and lie in beds ; their weapons are bows ; they 
have emeralds and other jewels, although they esteem 
none so much as turquoise, wherewith the}' adorn the 
walls of the porches of their houses and their apparel 
and vessels, and they use them instead of money 
through all the country. They use vessels of gold and 
silver, for they have no other metal, whereof the*'e is 
greater use and more abundance than in Peru." Hav- 
ing viewed the city, which his comrades told him was 
the least of the " Seven Cities," the Friar named the 
country"El Nuevo Reyno de San Francisco ;" " and there- 
upon," he says, '*! made agreatheapof stones by the aid- 
of the Indians, and (m the top thereof I set up a small, 
slender cross, because I lacked means to make a greater, 
and said that I set up that cross and heap in the name 
of the most honorable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoza, 
Viceroy and Captain-General of New Spain, for the Em- 
peror, our lord, in token of possession." Not satisfied 
with thus formally annexing the City of Cibola itself to 
the Spanish dominion, De Niza further solemnly declared 
that the possession which he then took was ''also of the 
'Seven Cities,' and of the Kingdoms of Totonteac, of 
Acus, and of Marata." 

Having thus at any rate formally accomplished 
great political things, and having really penetrated to a 
region theretofore unseen by European eyes, he turned 
his back on Cibola and hastened to overtake the little 
army which had accompanied him on his march across the 
desert, and which was now moving, as he expressed it, 
" with more fear than victuals." Here he had an opportu- 
nity of learning very soon the old lesson, that the consid- 
eration in which a man is held is largely proportioned 
to his success, for as he briefly puts it, " I was 
not made so much of as before." Indeed, when 



114 FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 

he arrived at the town of the valley, whence 
his companions and those of Stephen had come, 
he was afraid of his life on account of the great 
lamentation made hy both men and women over the loss of 
the slain and missing ; and so " with fear," he says, " I 
hastened from the people of this valley and travelled ten 
leagues the firstday,and so daily eight or ten leagues,until 
I had crossed the second desert." Thence he went back 
to San Miguel and finally to Compostella, where he 
found the Governor, and made a report of the wonder- 
ful things which he had seen and heard of. This report 
reduced to w-riting, was sent to the Viceroy, and he in 
turn transmitted it to the Emperor, accompanied with 
an account of the ill success of several more ambitious 
attempts to discover golden regions, and adding, " It 
seemeth unto all men that it was God's will to 
shut up the gate to all those who by strength of human 
force have gone about to attempt this enterprise, and to 
reveal it to a poor and barefooted Friar." 

Before closing the account of this expedition, it 
seems proper to notice another version of the death of 
Stephen, which appears in the "Relation" of Castaneda, 
and which contains particulars not known, probably, to 
the frightened Indians who escaped to carry the first 
tidings to Friar Marcos. Castaneda says: "Stephen 
arrived at Cibola with a great quantity of turquoise, and 
some fine women who had been presented to him along 
the route. With him were a large number of Indians 
who had been furnished as guides at different places, 
and who believed that under his protection they could 
traverse the whole world without having anything to 
fear. But as the people of Cibola were more brave and 
spirited than those who accompanied Stephen, they 
shut up his whole company in a house outside of their 
city, and there the caciques and aged men of the place 
questioned him as to the object of his coming into their 
country. After having continued this inquiry for three 



FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA. 115 

days, they held a council to decide as to his fate. n.s 
the negro had told them that he was the forerunner of 
two white men, sent by a powerful prince, who were 
very learned in the heavenly affairs, which they would 
come to teach them, they considered that he must be 
the guide or the spy of some nation which desired to 
subjugate them. It seemed to them, also, unreasonable 
to believe that this man who was black came from the 
country of men who were white. Besides, Stephen had 
demanded of them their riches and their women ; and 
this seemed to them hard to consent to. So they con- 
cluded to kill him, without doing any harm to those 
who accompanied him. And this they did — taking 
merely a few young boys, and sending back all the 
rest, who numbered about sixty." 

The route taken by Marcos de Niza on this celebrated 
expedition is, so far as its main features are concerned, 
easy to distinguish. He first travelled nearly parallel 
with the coast of the Gulf of California, until he reached 
its head, and then turned to the north-east, and con- 
tinued travelling in that general direction for the rest 
of the distance. The fertile and populated valleys were 
along the Gila and its tributaries. There is no doubt 
at all that Cibola was Zuni, being what is now called 
the "Old Pueblo," or "Old Zuni." The kingdom to the 
south-east may have referred to the Pueblo country in 
the vicinity of Acoma and Laguna, or possibly to one still 
more distant and across the Rio Grande, towards Abo 
and the ruins now called "Gran Quivira." Totonteac, 
if situated as stated, to the west, would be identical with 
the Moqui towns; and Acus might have been the country 
now represented by the ruins in the Chaco Valley, the 
Pueblo Bonito, etc. Bu^t the experience of Coronado, 
shortly afterwards, shows these reports of kingdoms to 
have been very shadowy, and at all events greatly ex- 
aggerated. 



CHAPTER V. 



THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO. 

THE highly colored account with which Friar Marcos 
regaled Governor Coronado, and afterwards the Vice- 
roy himself, was enough to excite the ambition as well as 
the cupidity of even less adventurous men. In addition 
to his written narration, or report, which was sufficiently 
enticing, the Friar made most exaggerated statements 
of what he had been told by Indians of the countries 
beyond Cibola; and his position in the Franciscan order 
lent weight to his words. The Viceroy became intensely 
interested, believing that here was an opportunity to 
obtain both fame and gold, and determined to lose no 
time in organizing an expedition for the exploration 
and conquest of the rich kingdoms beyond the desert. 

No sooner was it known that an expedition for the 
conquest of Cibola and the wonderful Land of the Seven 
Cities had been decided on, than the most adventurous 
cavaliers of New Spain hastened to take part in the 
enterprise. The best families of Castile were repre- 
sented among them, and the troop of 400 which 
finally started was the most brilliant which, at 
that time, had ever been raised in the new world. 
Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, the Governor of New 
Galicia, was very properly appointed as Captain-General, 
by the Viceroy, both because the discovery of Cibola 
had been made through his instrumentality, and because 
his province was the natural starting-place of the expe- 
dition. He was a man experienced both in arms and 
in government, wise, prudent, and able, and a great 
favorite with Mendoza. The Viceroy also appointed the 
other officers of the expedition; and here the only diffi- 



CORONADO. 117 

culty which arose was from an '^ embaras de richesses." 
^' Seeing the great number of gentlemen taking part in 
this expedition," says Castaneda, " the Viceroy would 
have been glad to give each one the command of an 
army ; but as the soldiers were so few, it was necessary 
to make a choice. He concluded to name the captains 
himself, because he was so greatly loved and respected 
that he knew no one would refuse to obey those whom 
he designated." " He chose for standard-bearer Don 
Pedro de Tobar, a young cavalier, son of Don Fernando 
de Tobar, mayor-domo of the late Queen Joanna, 
our legitimate sovereign, whose soul may God preserve. 
He appointed as Maestro de Campo, Lope de Samaniego, 
governor of the arsenal of Mexico, and a chevalier well 
worthy of this position. The captains were Don Tristan 
de Arellano, Don Pedro de Quevara, Don Garcia Lopez 
de Cardenas, Don Rodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of 
the Duke of Infantado, Diego Lopez, member of the city 
council of Seville, and Diego Gutierrez, captain of cav- 
alry. All the other gentlemen were placed directly 
under the orders -of the General, because they were 
men of distinction, and a number of them were after- 
wards appointed captains." The commander of the in- 
fantry was Pablo de Melgosa, and the chief of artillery 
Hernando de Alvarado. The historian of the expedition, 
Pedro de Castaneda de Nagera, who accompanied it 
through all its journeyings, and afterwards in Culiacan 
wrote a full account of all that occurred, mentions a 
number of other illustrious names, in order to impress 
upon the reader the chivalrous and aristocratic char- 
acter of fhose who were engaged in it, and to prove that 
it contained "more men of quality than any which has 
been undertaken for the making of discoveries," adding 
that it must surely have been successful but for the 
great riches, and the young bride, noble and charming, left 
Dehind by the commander, to which attractions he at- 
tributes his intense desire to return at a later day. 



118 CORONADO. 

With the 400 Spaniards were 800 Indian soldiers, so 
that the entire expedition was composed of 1,200 men; 
and these were directed to rendezvous at Compostella, 
the capital of New Galicia, in the spring of 1540. At 
the same time Don Pedro Alarcon was ordered to start 
from Natividad, on the Pacific, with two ships, and 
proceed to Xalisco with such munitions as the soldiers 
could not well carry, and thence sail along 1?lie coast as 
near as possible to the army, so as to keep up communica- 
tion with it, the supposition being that the route of 
the expedition was near to the coast of the Pacific. In 
reality the line of march of the land forces so soon di- 
verged to the east that these vessels were of no service ; 
but they made many very interesting discoveries, as 
are quaintly recounted in the report made by the com- 
mander, Alarcon, after his return, and subsequently 
published in the collections of Ramusio, 

Meanwhile the troops were concentrating at Com- 
postella, and thither the Viceroy went in person in 
order to give to the expedition the distinction and ben- 
efit of his official presence. He was splendidly enter- 
tained by Cristoval de Onate, who had been appointed 
to act as Governor of New Galicia while Coronado was 
absent ; and he held a grand reviev/ of the whole army, 
which is described as a most brilliant spectacle. The 
Viceroy was exceedingly popular, and was received 
with great enthusiasm. He addressed the soldiers on 
the vast importance of the expedition in a threefold 
aspect; to their country by conquering this great 
province; to the Indians by bringing them to a knowl- 
edge of Christianity; and to themselves by lettering 
their fortunes. He then caused each man to swear on 
a missal containing the gospels never to abandon their 
General, but to obey all that he might command ; and 
in order to encourage them to the fullest extent, ho ac- 
companied them for two days on their march. The 
army set out early in January, 1541, from Compostella, 



CORONADO. 119 

as brilliant an array and as full of ent*husiasm and high 
expectations as was ever seen in the new world. As 
soon as the Viceroy had departed, the regular march 
commenced, and the days of holiday parade were over. 
Many difficulties were at once experienced. The bag- 
gage was found to be a great annoyance; it had to be 
transported on horses, and the animals proved to be too 
fat, and ill accustomed to fatigue. Besides, many 
soldiers did not know how to pack them properly, so 
that very soon a large part of the baggage was abandoned, 
or given to any one who would take it. Necessity 
caused many a cavalier to perform work to which he 
was unaccustomed, so that it was not rare, we are told, 
to see men of gentle birth acting as mule-drivers. 

After much fatigue, the army reached the town of 
Chiametla ; and here it was discovered that the supply 
of provisons was already failing, and a halt of some days 
was required in order to replenish the stock. From this 
place, Samaniego, the Maestro de C?mpo, imprudently 
went with only a few men to an adjacent Indian village, 
and while there was shot in the head with an arrow and 
killed. A grand military funeral was had, and all the na- 
tives who even "seemed to be " inhabitants of the place 
where the murder took place, were hung; but the afifair nat- 
urally cast a gloom over the expedition. Another discour- 
aging event occurred at this town. Some time previ- 
ously Coronado had dispatched two officers named Mel- 
chior Diaz and Juan de Saldibar, with a party of a dozen 
men, to explore the route toward Cibola, which had 
been traversed by Friar Marcos de Niza. The party 
had gone as far as Chichilticale, which was the town 
so glowingly described by Marcos at the edge of the great 
desert, but found nothing very inviting nor in any way 
equaling the report of the Friar ; and so had returned 
and met the a«rmy at this point. While they only com- 
municated with Coronado, yet H soon became known in 
the cahip that the news was unfavorable, and many 



120 CORONADO. 

began to be discouraged. Friar Marcos, however, assured 
them that the countries to be visited were of great rich- 
ness, and that every man would reap a splendid reward, 
and in this way somewhat revived their spirits; and 
they resumed the march to Culiacan. Here they were 
received on the day after Easter with great demonstra- 
tions. The inhabitants arranged a grand sham fight, 
in which they pretended to defend their town against 
the approach of the army, and then falling back, allowed 
the latter to enter the city in triumph. The officers 
were entertained with marked hospitality by the citi- 
zens, who insisted that they should occupy their houses 
instead of the quarters prepared ; but Castafieda throws 
a doubt on the disinterested character of these professions 
by saying, " This hospitality was not to their disadvan- 
tage, for the officers were very well equipped, and as 
they could not carry all their baggage on their animals, 
they preferred giving many articles to their hosts 
rather than expose them to the chances of the future." 
The army remained here for a month, but Coronado 
himself only stayed half of that time, as he was im- 
patient to press on to the exploration, if not the imme- 
diate conquest, of the famed lands before him. So he 
took a few of his most intimate friends, and with fifty 
horsemen and a few soldiers on foot, started in advance, 
leaving the main body of the army under the command 
of Don Tristan de Arellano, with orders to follow him 
in a fortnight. The General took with him all of the 
priests, as for some reason none of them would remain 
with the army ; but after proceeding on the march three 
days, one of their number, named Antonio Victoria, 
happened to break his thigh and had to be sent back to 
Culiacan for treatment ; '' which," says Castaiieda, '^ was 
no small consolation for all the peoj^le." Meanwhile 
Coronado and his party were proceeding successfully on 
their journey, full of enthusiasm, and meeting with no 
trouble from the natives, as many of the latter were 



CORONADO. 121 

acquainted with Friar Marcos, or had acted as an escort 
on the recent expedition of Diaz and Saldivar ; and so 
they arrived at Chichilticale. But here a great dis- 
appointment awaited them. Instead of the flourishing 
town they had been led to expect, they found in reality 
but one single building, and that in ruins and even 
without a roof. It is true that its proportions and style 
of architecture proclaimed it to be the work of some 
superior and civilized nation, differing widely from the 
inhabitants of the country around, but that was small 
consolation under the circumstances. They had come 
seeking the riches of the present, and not the relics of 
the past. This building, Chichilticale, is almost beyond 
a doubt identical with the structure now called the 
"Casa Grande " of Arizona, which has been so frequently 
described by travellers in recent days ; both the situa- 
tion and the description making the identification 
almost positively certain. 

At this point the great desert began ; but Coronado 
w^ould not wait for his army, but pressed on rapidly 
with his little escort in hopes of making discoveries of 
such importance that the present disappointment would 
be forgotten. For fifteen days they marched through a 
continuous desert, barren, sandy, and devoid of w^ater ; 
but at length their eyes were gladdened by the sight of 
a narrow stream, whose waters had such a reddish tinge 
that they named it Vermejo. What added to their joy 
was the fact that they were but eight leagues from the 
special object of their journey — the City of Cibola. 
Here they saw a few Indians, but could open no com- 
munication, as they fled as soon as they were approached. 
Marching on, on the evening of the next day, when they 
were but two leagues from the city, they discovered 
some Indians on an elevation, who raised such a fright- 
ful cry that it startled and alarmed the Spaniards, who 
were unaccustomed to such extraordinary sounds ; the 
fright*bf some of the soldiers being so intense, Castafieda 



122 CORONADO. 

says, that they " saddled their horses wrong end fore- 
most." " But," he adds " these were men of the new 
levy." The veterans started in pursuit of the Indians, 
but the latter succeeded in escaping to the city. The 
next day the whole army arrived in sight of Cibola ; 
but here their disappointment was even, greater than 
at Chichilticale, and the air was filled with maledictions 
against Friar Marcos and his enormous exaggerations. 
Instead of the large city described in his " Relation," they 
saw a small town located upon a rock, containing not 
over 200 warriors, but protected from capture by the 
steepness and difficulties of its approach. It was true 
that the houses were of three or four stories in height, 
but they were small and inconvenient, and one court- 
yard had to serve for an entire quarter. The whole 
province contained seven cities, some of which were 
much larger and better fortified than Cibola. 

The Spaniards had hoped that their overtures of 
peace and friendship would be accepted without ques- 
tion or delay, but the Indians seemed to understand 
that peace meant subjugation, and so only replied to the 
demand of the interpreter by menacing gestures, and 
drew up their warriors in good order to resist an attack. 
This speedily followed, for Coronado led his followers 
to an immediate charge, with loud cries of " Santiago." 
The Indians could not withstand this attack, but fled to 
the shelter of the town. The Spaniaixis followed, but 
found that the task before them was not an easy one. 
The single approach was steep and dangerous, the com- 
manding position of the town on the summit of a rocky 
mesa giving its defenders an immense advantage. The 
assailants, as they attempted to carry it by storm, were 
received with showers of stones, one of which struck 
Coronado himself to the ground, where he would have 
been killed had not Hernando de Alvarado and Lopez de 
Cardenas thrown themselves before him, and protected 
him from the showers of missiles with their own bodies. 



CORONADO. 123 

Nevertheless his followers pressed on, and "as it is im- 
possible to resist the furious attacks of Spaniards," says 
Castaneda, in less than an hour the city was captured, 
and the Europeans marched in triumph through the 
streets of the first Pueblo town that had ever felt their 
tread. The conquerors were rejoiced to find a plentiful 
supply of provisions, of which they were sorely feeling 
the need ; and after a short period for rest, Coronado suc- 
ceeded in reducing the entire province to subjection. 

Meanwhile the army which had been left at Culiacan 
under the command of Arellano had slowly proceeded 
on its march, travelling on foot and with considerable 
difficulty. They passed through the town which Cabeza 
do Vaca had called " Corazones," where the commander 
was so much pleased that he concluded to colonize the 
country. From here they tried to obtain news of the 
ships which were to have accompanied them to the 
head of the Gulf, but could learn nothing, and so they 
stopped at the new town, which was called Sonora, 
awaiting news and orders from Coronado. These came 
in the middle of October, by the hands of Melchior Diaz 
and Juan Gallegos, and the main army immediately set 
out for Cibola. Gallegos proceeded to Mexico to carry 
an account of the expedition as far as it had progressed; 
and he took with him Friar Marcos, who had been 
obliged to fly from the army at Cibola on account of the 
indignation of the troops at the exaggerations and falsi- 
ties of which it had now been proved he had been guilty, 
in the relation of his former journey. Arellano and a 
considerable number of soldiers who were sick, or had 
not the strength requisite for the hardships of the com- 
ing journey, remained at Sonora. The main body 
marched over the same route taken by Coronado, and 
were hospitably received by the Indians along the road, 
who had been well treated by the General. They 
reached the desert at Chichilticale without notable 
adventure, except that many were seized with a violent 



124 CORONADO. 

disease from eating preserved Indian figs, given to them 
by the natives. When almost across the desert, and 
within a day's march of Cibola, they encountered a 
violent storm, followed by a very severe and deep snow. 
The Spaniards resisted the cold without difficulty, but 
the Indians who accompanied them suffered very 
severely, as they came from the warm country to the 
south, and had never experienced such intensely frigid 
weather before. Some succumbed to the exposure and 
perished, while many others were only saved by being 
carried on the horses while the Spaniards walked. On 
arriving at Cibola, however, the army found not only a 
warm welcome from the General and their comrades, 
but that Coronado, with an unusual degree of care, had 
prepared for them excellent and comfortable quarters in 
advance. 

While the whole army, thus reunited, was resting 
after its desert march, Coronado endeavored to obtain in- 
formation of the surrounding country. He was soon 
told of a province called Tusayan, twenty-five leagues 
distant, where there were seven cities similar to those 
of Cibola. The inhabitants were said to be very brave, 
but the Cibolans could give no very exact information 
concerning them, because there was no intercourse be- 
tween the two provinces. Coronado was unwilling to 
continue his march until this province had been visited, 
and consequently sent a small detachment under Don 
Pedro de Tobar, in whose bravery and address he had 
special confidence, to reconnoitre, and if practicable, 
take possession of the country. With them was sent as 
an adviser, half spiritual and half military, Friar Juan 
de Padrila, a Franciscan monk who had been a soldier 
in his younger days. Tho expedition marched so 
rapidly and secretly that it arrived in the province and 
up to the very walls of the houses of the first village 
without being discovered, and encamped after dark in 
the midst of the unsuspecting population. At dawn 



CORONADO. 125 

the Indians were astonished to see the strangers at their 
doors, and especially amazed at the sight of the horses, 
the like of which they had never seen before. An 
alarm was sounded, and the warriors quickly assembled 
with bows and clubs to drive away the invaders. The 
Spanish interpreter endeavored to explain that they 
came as friends, but the Indians, while hearing them 
politely, insisted that the strangers should withdraw ; 
and drawing a line on the ground, forbade any of the 
Spaniards to pass beyond it. One soldier rashly vent- 
ured to cross, when he was immediately attacked and 
driven back. At this the Friar, who seemed to have 
been more aggressive even than the Captain, urged a 
charge, exclaiming in vexation at the delay, "In truth, 
I do not understand why we have come here!" at which 
the Spaniards rushed forward and killed a great num- 
ber of Indians, while the remainder fled to the houses 
for protection. These soon returned in the attitude of 
suppliants, bringing presents, and offering their own 
submission and that of the whole province. During 
the day deputations came from the other towns to con- 
firm their surrender and, to invite the Spaniards to visit 
them and trade. In this province, which was then 
called Tesayan, but which is identical with the modern 
Moqui, were seven villages, which were governed as 
were those of Cibola, by a council of aged men; having 
also governors and captains. They raised large quanti- 
ties of corn, and had well tanned leather; and among 
the presents which they brought to Tobar were poultry 
and turquoise. 

Having accomplished its object, the expedition 
returned to Cibola, where Don Pedro gave an account of 
his adventures to Coronado, and also told him of a great 
river further to the west, of which he had received 
information from the people of Tusayan. On this river 
it was said that a race of giants lived; and so much was 
told of its extraordinary size and character that Coro- 



126 CORONADO. 

nado determined to send another expedition to explore 
it. Accordingly, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with 
twelve horsemen set forth, proceeding first to Tusayan, 
where they procured guides and laid in provisions for 
the desert journey. After traversing an uninhabited 
country for twenty days, they at length arrived on the 
banks of the river, which was in so deep a canon that 
the sides seemed " three or four leagues in the air." It 
was impossible to descend the rugged and almost per- 
pendicular banks to the water, so the i^arty marched 
along the side for three days hoping to find a safe place 
at which to make a descent. The river was so far below 
that it appeared but an arm's length in width, but the 
Indians assured the Spaniards that it was fully one-half 
a league across. At length they arrived at a point that 
seemed more favorable for alv attempt to descend, and 
Captain Melgosa, Juan Galeres, and one other soldier, who 
were the lightest and most active of the company, vol- 
unteered to make the experiment ; but toward night-fall 
they returned, torn and exhausted, reporting that they 
had only been able to accomplish a third of the distance 
They said that even from there the river assumed large 
proportions, and that some of the rocks, which from the 
surface appeared scarcely as high as a man, were in 
reality taller than the tower of the Cathedral of Seville. 
The expedition proceeded somewhat further along the 
river, until it reached some great falls, but was finally 
compelled to return for want of water. This river the 
discoverers called the Tison, correctly recognizing it as 
the same of which the mouth had been seen at the head 
of the Californian Gulf. It is now known as the Colorado 
of the West ; and its Grand Canon, along which Cardenas 
thus marched nearly three and a half centuries ago, is 
one of the most wonderful natural curiosities of the 
world. 

While these expeditions were being made to the 
west, a deputation of natives came from a province far 



CORONADO. 127 

to the east, called Cicuye. This was headed by their 
chief, a young man, tall and fine-looking, who, from the 
unusual circumstance of his having long mustaches, the 
Spaniards called "Bigotes." He said that they had 
heard in their country, seventy leagues away, of the 
arrival of the white men, and had come to offer their 
friendship and services,withthe hope that the Spaniards, 
as they advanced, would consider them as allies. Coro- 
nado received them graciously, and an exchange of 
presents took place, the Indians being specially pleased 
with some little bells. Bigotes gave a general description 
of the intervening country, its productions and animals, 
particularly dwelling on the number of native cows 
(bufialoes) which were to be found to the eastward. This 
presented too good an opportunity for exploration to be 
lost ; so Coronado directed Hernando de Alvarado, with 
twenty men, to accompany the deputation on their 
journey back to their country, and to return within 
eighty days with an account of his discoveries. 

Proceeding easterly, after a five days' march, they 
arrived at Acuco — the present Pueblo of Acoma — a town 
built on the summit of a great rock, with sides so per- 
pendicular that ascent was impossible except at one 
place, and there only by the use of artificial steps. The 
situation Vv^as practically impregnable ; for after ascend- 
ing 200 steps, it was necessary to climb 100 more 
that were far more difficult, and then a perpen- 
dicular ascent of twelve feet remained to be accom. 
plished, which could only be done by the use of 
holes made in the face of the rock. On the summit was 
heaped a quantity of great stones, to be rolled down on 
the heads of any enemies attempting to scale the height, 
while those above were entirely protected from danger. 
The flat crown of the rock contained enough good soil 
for the cultivation of large quantities of corn, and wells 
sunk in the solid stone supplied the town with water* 
Acuco boasted of about 200 warriors, and from their 



128 CORONADO. 

fearlessness, and the security of its position, was the 
terror of the surrounding country. 

On the approach of the little band of Spaniards, the 
Indians came down boldly into the plain, and haugh- 
tily forbade them to proceed further; but finding that 
Alvarado displayed no fear, but was preparing his com- 
pany to make an attack, they suddenly changed their 
tone and sued for peace and amity, which were readily 
accorded. ; They soon afterwards presented the Span- 
iards with a great quantity of poultry, together with 
bread, corn, pinons, etc., which were very acceptable. 
Alvarado, however, did not delay, but pressed on his 
journey, arriving in three days at a province called 
Tiguex, the inhabitants of which, on seeing Bigotes, 
who was highly esteemed in all that country, received 
the Spaniards with great hospitality. The precise loca- 
tion of Tiguex cannot be determined at this time; but 
from the distance to various surrounding points, such as 
Jemez, Cicuy6, etc., it is evident that the province lay 
along the valley of the Puerco River, embracing proba- 
bly the territory on both sides, and especially to the 
east. It included twelve villages in all, and its princi- 
pal towns were probably about west from Bernalillo. 
Alvarado was so much charmed with the appearance of 
the country and the kindness of his reception, that he 
sent an envoy to Coronado at Cibola, recommending that 
he should bring the whole army to winter there. 

Without waiting for a response, the little expedition 
continued its march, and at the end of five days arrived 
at Cicuy^, the city of " Bigotes," and w^hich was found 
to be built of houses four stories in height and strongly 
fortified. Here they were received with special demon- 
strations of joy and welcome, escorted into town to the 
music of drums and fifes, and presented with many 
cotton goods and turquoises. Cicuyc was situated on 
the Jemez River, and probably at or near the present 
pneblo of Santa Ana, as it was about four leagues dis- 



CORONADO. 129 

tant from Cia. Alvarado concluded to remain here some 
little time to give his troops the much-needed rest ; and 
while so waiting, he met an Indian who was destined to 
have a great influence on the history of the whole ex- 
pedition. This was a stranger, held as a servant at 
Cicuye, but who had come from the far East, being a 
native, says Castaiieda, " of the country on the border 
of Florida, of which De Soto has lately explored the in- 
terior." He bore such a strange resemblance to the 
Mohammedans of the Orient that the Spaniards called 
him " the Turk," and by no other name is he mentioned 
in the clironicles. This man, from his first meeting with 
Alvarado, began to tell, in most extravagant terms, of 
wonderful cities to be found in his own country to the 
east and of their vast riches in gold and silver. So thor- 
oughly did he impress Alvarado with these stories that 
the Captain felt it but a loss of time to explore a country 
containing little else but buffaloes; and so, after proceed- 
ing just to-the edge of the plains, where he could see those 
animals, he hastened back to meet Coronado and tell 
him of the great news he had received. 

Meanwhile the latter had concluded to act on the ad- 
vice of Alvarado as to wintering at Tiguex, and had 
sent Cardenas in advance to prepare quarters for the 
soldiers. This was done with much harshness 'and 
cruelty, the inhabitants being driven out of their 
houses, and not even allowed to take their goods, with 
the exception of the clothes they wore — a poor return 
for the hospitality extended by them to Alvarado. 
Coronado himself waited at Cibola until the arrival of 
Tristan de Arellano with re-inforcements, and then set 
out for Tiguex with . thirty men, leaving directions for 
the main body to follow in three weeks. Wishing to 
visit a province of eight villages of which he had heard, 
called Tutahaco, he took a different route from that 
by Acuco, and after great suffering from thirst in 
a desert region — (which must have been west of the 



130 CORONA DO. 

present Fort Wingate), — he arrived by an eight days' 
march at the towns which he determined to see. This 
province of Tutahaco was evidentlj^ in the valley of 
the river now called San Jose, the only one of its towns 
still existing being the Pueblo of Laguna. The General 
found the people friendly and well-disposed, and their 
towns, clothing, and customs similar to those in the 
vicinity of Cibola. He followed the San Jose down to 
its junction with the Puerco, and then ascended the 
valley of the latter until he arrived at Tiguex, where 
he met Alvarado and " the Turk." The latter rep(^at(^d 
to Coronado what he had before narrated, with perhaps 
greater embellishments. He said that in his native 
country, to th« east, was a great river two leagues in 
width, containing fish of the size of a horse, and nav- 
igated by boats carrying twenty oarsmen on a side, as 
well as using sails; that the nobles sat in the stern of 
these vessels under canopies, surrounded by all kinds 
of magnificence. He stated that the lord of the land 
took a daily siesta in the shade of a great tree, from 
whose branches hung golden bells that the moving air 
caused to ring, and added, with a thorough knowledge 
of the hopes and wishes of the Spaniards, that the com- 
monest vessels for water were of finely worked silver, 
and the plates and other table utensils of gold. 

These stories, however extravagant, the Spaniards 
believed implicitly, and, as we shall soon see, put such 
confidence in the Turk as to make them distrust all 
others. For instance, the former told them, by way of 
corroboration, that he had brought several golden brace- 
lets from his own country when he came toCicuye; and 
when the Spaniards sent to find them, and were informed 
by the people that such things had never been seen 
there, and that the Turk was a notorious liar who could 
never be trusted, they actually disbelieved the latter; 
and seizing the Cacique and Bigotes, from whom they 
had received so much aid as well as kindness, carried 



CORONADf). 131 

them in chains to Tiguex in order to extort a confession 
as to the missing ornaments, and kept them in confine- 
ment more than six months. This conduct naturally 
caused great indignation among the natives, which was 
increased by the injustice and rapacity which character- 
ized the actions of the officers appointed by Coronado to 
collect cotton goods for clothing for the soldiers, and by 
other outrages not easy to be forgiven. At length they 
met in their estufa and held an important council, in 
Avhich, after long deliberation and the consideration of 
all their wrongs, they concluded that the only course be- 
fore them was to make war on their oppressors and 
drive them from the land. 

The next morning news came to the Spaniards that 
the Indians had risen and killed one of their native al- 
lies, and were driving off the horses. Pursuit was im- 
mediately made, and a few of the animals recovered, 
but the greater number were lost. Soldiers were sent 
to several of the neighboring villages, but they every- 
where found the houses closed and barricaded, and failed 
to draw the Indians out from these strongholds. It 
was evidently an arranged policy to act on the defensive, 
as by this means they had a large advantage. The 
General then sent Cardenas with the greater part of the 
army to lay siege to one of the towns, and bring it to 
terms. He succeeded in taking the Indians unawares, 
and gained the tops of the houses before they knew of 
his approach, but the men then suffered severely from 
arrows fired from loop-holes in the opposite buildings. 
The Spaniards maintained themselves in this position 
all that day and night, and the greater part of the suc- 
ceeding day, fighting continually ; when they were re- 
lieved by the strategy of their Indian allies, who dug 
under-ground passages to some of the houses, and by the 
aid of certain inflammable materials so filled them with 
smoke that the inm_ates were compelled to come out 
and sue for peace. Pablo Lopez Melgosa and Diego Lo- 



132 CORONADO. 

pez made the recognized sign of peace in reply, by cross- 
ing their hands ; whereupon the Indians threw down 
their arms and surrendered. They were then conducted 
to the tent of Cardenas, who, it is said, did not know 
the circumstances of their surrender, but supf>osed they 
had been captured without any condition, and there- 
upon ordered that they should all be burned alive as a 
warning to the inhabitants of the other towns. Those 
present who knew that they had surrendered under the 
promise implied by the sign of peace said nothing, but 
allowed the horrible preparations to go on in silence. 
When the Indians saw this, and understood what their 
fate was to be, they seized pieces of the wood which had 
been brought for the burning, and attempted to defend 
themselves; but the soldiers attacked them with their 
swords, so that of about 100 who had thus sur- 
rendered, very few escaped. While this cruel massacre 
struck terror to the hearts of all who heard of it, yet in 
other ways it had far from the desired effect. The his- 
torian of the expedition evidently appreciated this, as 
he says, '^ They made it known throughout all the 
country that the Spaniards did not regard the compacts 
to which they had sworn, which did us much harm in 
the end." 

Just at this time the part of the army which had 
been left at Cibola under Arellano arrived, and never 
could re-inforcements have been more timely. Simultane- 
ously there commenced a very severe snow-storm, which 
continued with such violence for the space of two montlis 
that it was not possible to undertake any new enterprise- 
Coronado was specially anxious for peace, in order to 
pursue his journey, and therefore sent envoys to all the 
villages, promising pardon and good treatment ; but the 
Indians replied that they could put no trust in people 
who did not keep their word, and reminded them that 
they still kept Bigotes as a prisoner, and had broken 
faith with those who had surrendered. As soon as the 



CORONADO. 133 

weather permitted, hostilities were renewed, and finally 
the General determined to capture the city of Tiguex 
itself, as an exam^ple to the other towns. He therefore 
had scaling-ladders prepared, and made all the arrange- 
ments possible to insure success, and then with his 
whole army made a most vigorous assault. But the in- 
habitants were equally well prepared, and met the as- 
sailants with showers of arrows, and with great stones 
of such weight that they unhorsed many of the Span- 
iards. The advantage of position was altogether with 
the Indians, and in a short time Coronado found himself 
forced to retire with considerable loss. The siege con- 
tinued for no less than fifty days, the Spaniards show- 
ing great gallantry and daring, and the besieged no less 
courage and endurance. Many assaults were made, but 
always without success. The Indians lost more than 
200 warriors in resisting the various attacks, and 
several of the most prominent Spaniards perished 
during the siege. The loss most felt by the latter was 
that of Captain Francisco de Obando, a distinguished 
soldier of great popularity among the troops, who was 
captuTed and carried alive within the walls. The 
Indians suffered greatly for want of water, their supply 
having been cut off, and though they sent their women 
and children away during a day of truce, yet in the end 
they found themselves compelled to abandon the place. 
This they attempted to do secretly at night, but were 
discovered by a sentinel, and the alarm being given, 
they were defeated with great slaughter. Those who 
escaped attempted to cross the river, but the water 
was so extremely cold that many were drowned ; and the 
few who succeeded in gaining the opposite bank were 
so benumbed and exhausted that they were easily capt- 
ured. While this siege was progressing, two of the 
Spanish captains, Quevara and Saldibar, had been sent 
to capture another village, and with very similar suc- 
cess ; for the inhabitants after a considerable time 



134 CORONADO. 

attempted to leave the place by stealth, but were over- 
taken and with scarcely an exception killed or taken 
prisoner ; the town being given up to pillage. These 
two captures occurred just at the end of the year 1541. 

While the siege of Tiguex was in progress, Coronado 
made a trip to Cicuye in order to regain the friendship 
of the people of that city. He took with him their 
cacique, who had been imprisoned for some time — at 
sight of whom the people greatly rejoiced. The General 
re-established this old official in his position, and 
promised that within a short time Bigotes should also 
be restored to them ; and then returned to Tiguex, leav- 
ing the people in a most friendly mood. As soon as the 
siege was terminated, ne sent an officer also to Chia (the 
modern Pueblo of Cia or Zia), a large and populous 
town four leagues distant, whose people had before sent 
messengers to present their submission. As a compli- 
ment to this town, and a proof of confidence, he left in 
the custody of its people four bronze cannon, which 
were not in condition to do service. A small detach- 
ment of soldiers was also sent on an expedition to the 
north, to the province of Quirix, the inhabitants of 
which at first fled from fear ; but being re-assured, re- 
turned to their homes. 

Meanwhile Coronado was impatiently awaiting the 
opening of the spring, so that he could proceed on his 
expedition and reach the wonderful land to the east, of 
which the Turk gave such glowing descriptions— and 
especially the great city of Quivira, which that vera- 
cious informant said abounded in gold and silver. The 
season, however, was an unusually severe one, the river 
(Puerco) remaining frozen for no less than four months, 
and the ice being thick enough to bear the weight of a 
horse; but the General did not dare attempt a passage 
until it had thawed. At length, on the 5th of May 
(1542), the army broke camp and started on its march 
Irom Tiguex to Cicuye. Coronado took with him the chief 



CORONADO. 135 

*' Bigotes," and restored him to liberty at the latter 
town, amid the great rejoicings of the people. Indeed, 
so pleased were they at the restoration of their favorite 
that they furnished the whole Spanish army with a 
bountiful supply of provisions; and the two released 
prisoners, the cacique and the chief, presented to the 
General a young man named Xabe, who was a native of 
Quivira, to act as guide on the expedition. This young 
man confirmed the statements of the Turk as to the 
existence of gold and silver in that noted city, but said 
that the amount was far less than had been stated. But 
while Coronado seems to have felt implicit confidence in 
all the stories told by the Turk, many of the Spaniards 
had begun to distrust him very greatly ; and Cervantes, 
who had the care of him, even asserted that he knew 
him to have dealings with the devil. He himself, how- 
ever, never varied in his statements, nor allowed any 
expressions of incredulity to abate one iota from the 
extravagant estimates which he gave of the wealth of 
Quivira and the East. 

After a brief stay at Cicuye the army recommenced 
its march, and after crossing some mountains, came to 
a great river, which they called the River of Cicuye, 
and which was unquestionably the Rio Grande, or Rio 
del Norte, of modern times. As this stream was too 
deep to be forded, the Spaniards were compelled to con- 
struct a bridge, which occupied four days; after which 
the army crossed to the easterly side. The exact lo- 
cality of this crossing cannot be determined now, but 
was probably in the vicinity of Santo Domingo, Pena 
Blanca, or Cochiti; that is, a little south of west of 
Banta Fe. They now marched on over a rugged country, 
but without special adventures, for ten days; when they 
:^ame to the camp of some Indians, of a nomadic tribe 
called Querechos, "who lived like Arabs," and whose 
tents were made of buflalo- skins. These showed no 
surprise or timidity at sight of the Spaniards, but cooly 



136 CORONADO. 

came out of their tents to ascertain who they were, and 
then going directly to the advance guard, asked to see 
the chief. When brought to Coronado, they showed great 
intelligence, and expressed themselves so clearly by 
signs that all that they wished to say could be under- 
stood as distinctly as if they had spoken, and there was 
no need of an interpreter. They reported that far to 
the east, the expedition would find a very large river, 
whose length was so great that one could follow its 
banks for ninety days without leaving an inhabited 
country. They added that the first village arrived at 
was named Haxa, and that the river was more than a 
league wide. They confirmed all that the Turk had 
told and promised; but as this was not until after they 
had had a conversation with that worthy, the incred- 
ulous among the Spaniards were not much affected 
thereby. The next morning these Indians broke up 
their camp and disappeared, carrying all that they pos- 
sessed on the backs of dogs, of which they had a multi- 
tude; but two days afterwards they were again met 
further out on the prairie. 

The army had now reached the great plain east of 
the mountains, which was covered with such enormous 
droves of buffaloes that Castaiieda saj^s ''the number 
was incredible." When attacked by the soldiers, they 
would fly in such crowds and confusion that one would 
fall over another, and thus very many were killed. At 
one place, while thus running from an attack by horse- 
men, they came to a great ravine, and not being able to 
stop in their course, with the multitude in the rear 
pushing them on, so many fell into the chasm that it 
was completely filled up, and formed a bridge for the 
remainder of the frightened herd to cross. The Spanish 
horsemen who were pursuing came upon this without 
observing it, and in a moment were entangled in the 
frenzied and struggling mass. A number of horses were 
disabled or lost, and the men with difficulty extri- 



CORONADO. 137 

cated themselves from this novel and unexpected 
danger. 

The plains were perfectly flat and covered with 
grass, and of such a character that no permanent trail 
was left even by the passage of the whole army. Mon- 
uments of stone had to be raised at frequent intervals 
in order to guide stragglers, and even with these pre- 
cautions several soldiers were lost and never returned. 
The army kept on its march " in the same direction," 
says Castaneda, " as pursued since leaving Cicuye — that 
is to say, towards the north-north-east," daily hoping 
to see some signs of the town of Haxa, which the Turk 
assured them was not far distant. Faith in the latter 
was now greatly diminished in the minds even of the 
most sanguine, especially as another Indian, named 
Sopete, who was also a native of the east, gave a very 
different and far less glowing account of the regions to 
be found in that direction. In order if possible to get 
some further information regarding the famous city of 
Quivira, which was now the special goal of the expe- 
dition, Don Rodrigo Maldonado was sent in advance to 
explore the country. While absent on this excursion, 
Maldonado came to a great ravine, in which he found a 
large encampment of Indians, who told him that they 
had been visited by Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes on 
their journey sorqe years before. They brought to 
Maldonado a great quantity of skins, and presented him 
with a tent '' as large as a house," and many other 
things. Don Rodrigo sent a messenger to Coronado 
telling him of the circumstances and urging him to 
come that way. When the General had arrived and 
saw the vast quantity of skins, he determined to divide 
them equally among all the soldiers ; but a few having 
been taken in advance, the men feared that a fair divis- 
ion would not be made, and so made a rush to secure 
all that they could. A general scramble ensued, and in 
less than fifteen minutes not a skin remained of the 



138 tORONADO. 

whole store. At this the Indians were amazed, as they 
had supposed that these white men would simply bless 
the skins and then restore them, as Cabeza de Vaca had 
done, and the women and children cried over the loss 
bitterly. 

The part of the plains where the army now was, was 
well populated; in one place, which they called Cona, 
they passed an almost continuous succession of cabins 
or tents for three days. Various fruit-trees and vines 
were found, including grapes and plums. They passed 
a number of great ravines or canons, one of which was 
a league in width, a little stream running through a 
fertile valley between the walls. The natives here, 
with whom the Turk was prevented from communicat- 
ing, gave a very different account from his of the 
country beyond, so that Sopete gained in credit while 
the Turk lost. The Indians were very intelligent and 
treated their wives with special consideration. The 
women were well dressed, and wore a mantle or cloak of 
leather, with neatly ornamented sleeves, over their other 
clothing. 

The army had now marched for thirty-seven days, 
making six or seven leagues a day ; the distance being 
measured by counting the steps. They calculated that 
from Tiguex to the last village in the valley of the 
canon was 250 leagues. It is to be remembered, how- 
ever, that all the statements of distance made by the 
early explorers are greatly overestimated ; and also that 
travelling as Coronado did, over mountains and 
across plains without any road to guide, the route was 
often circuitous and far longer than was necessary. As 
nearly as can be ascertained, the Spaniards were now 
marching near some of the branches of the Canadian, the 
large canons seen corresponding with some of those m 
North-eastern New Mexico ; and this agrees with the 
general direction of their march, and the ultimate ar- 
rival at Quivira. Provisions were beginning to bo ex- 



CORONADO. 139 

hausted, with no prospect of any immediate opportunity 
to procure new supplies, and altogether the situation 
was so serious that the General called a council of war 
to determine the future course of the expedition. 
After considerable discussion it was determined that 
Coronado, with thirty horsemen and six soldiers on foot, 
should proceed with the search for Quivira, and that the 
rest of the army should return to Tiguex under Tristan 
de Arellano. This arrangement, however, was far from 
satisfactory to the soldiers, by whom the General was 
much beloved, and they besought him not to abandon 
them, declaring that they were ready to follow him 
to the ends of the earth, and die with him if necessary. 
He could not be moved however ; but promised to let 
them know in a week's time whether they could rejoin 
him. 

No delay was now made in -setting out. The best 
mounted and most robust men were selected for the 
escort, and several Indian guides taken, besides Sopete 
and the Turk ; the latter in chains, as punishment for 
his willful misrepresentation. They travelled as rapidly 
as was practicable, but no less than forty-eight days 
were occupied in crossing the plains to Quivira. 
"They never lacked for drink," Jaramillo tells us, 
"marching continually in the midst of cows 
(buffaloes), whose number constantly increased." Just 
before arriving at their journey's end they reached 
and crossed a great river, and Quivira itself seems to 
have consisted of a succession of towns and villages sit- 
uated on small streams- which ran into this main river. 
But after all this long journey a great disappointment 
awaited them ; for the inhabitants possessed neither 
gold nor silver, and indeed had scarcely any knowledge 
of metals. The Ruler wore on his breast a plate of cop- 
per, which he prized very highly ; but this was the ex- 
tent,of the existence even of the more common metals. 
Naturally incensed at the utter falsehood of all tho 



140 CORONADO. 

statements of the Turk, the Spaniards asked him as to 
his motive in thus deceiving them ; and he, seeing that 
there was nothing to be gained by further deception, 
acknowledged that he had done so at the request of 
the people of Cicuye, who wished the strangers to be led 
astray on the great plains so that their horses would 
perish, and the soldiers be exhausted by long marches 
and fatigue, and that thus on their return they could 
easily be overcome and destroyed. On hearing this, and 
fearing that if at liberty the Turk might cause new 
trouble with the people of Quivira, the Spaniards 
strangled that imposter; to the great satisfaction, we are 
told, of Sopete. 

Coronado seems not to have remained a very long 
time at Quivira, the object of his present expedition 
having been simply to find the location of the city and 
its surroundings with a view of returning with his 
entire army. He says in his letter or report to the 
Emperor Charles V. " The inhabitants recognized your 
majesty, and submitted themselves to the power of their 
rightful master." At the furthest point that was 
reached in exploring the city, the General erected a 
great cross with this inscription: " Francisco Vasquez 
de Coronado, commander of an expedition, arrived at 
this place." Castaiieda tells us scarcely anything of 
the city itself, except that the houses were round and 
without solid walls, that the roofs were made of straw, . 
and that under these the people slept and kept 
their valuables. Their villages, he says, resembled 
those of New Spain, and their names and customs were 
similar to those of the Teyas Indians, who were met on 
the plains, and at the camp in the wide canon. The 
whole surrounding country was well populated, and 
produced plants and fruits similar to those of Spain; 
among these were plums, grapes, mulberries, and 
various grains, together with wild flax. Quivira was 
surrounded by other populous provinces, but these were 



CORONADO. 141 

not visited. It would be impossible from what is told 
us by Castaneda alone to fix its location with any cer- 
tainty. He says it was situated "in the midst of the 
countries which adjoined the mountains ^at skirt the 
sea;" and another illustration of the indefinite geographi- 
cal ideas entertained at that time is found in the follow- 
ing sentence: "It is in this country that the great river 
of Espiritu Santo, which Fernando de Soto discovered in 
Florida, takes its rise ; it afterwards passes through a 
province called Arache. Its sources were not seen; they 
are very distant and on the slope of the mountain range 
which borders the plains. It traverses them entirely, as 
well as the Atlantic range (cordillera de la mer du nord); 
and its mouth is 300 leagues from the place where De 
Soto and his comrades embarked." One t.ning appears 
distinctly, however, that Quivira was on t'leedge of the 
great plain or prairie, that from it the mountains first 
became visible, and that it was situated on small 
streams, just east of a great river. Jaramillo, a captain 
in Coronado's army, describes the houses as follows : 
" The houses are of straw, very many being circular in 
shape. The straw reaches almost to the ground, like 
walls; on the outside on top is a kind of chapel or cupola, 
having an entrance, w'here the Indians sit or lie down." 
This description, together with the direction taken, and 
the distance travelled, make it almost beyond question 
that it was the same city of Quivira which Penalosa 
crossed the plains to visit 120 years later, and the route 
followed cannot have been far different. Forty-eiglit 
days, march from the canons of the Canadian would 
carry Coronado to the Missouri without difficulty, and 
all things considered, we can well believe that he trav- 
ersed parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas, and 
finally stopped on the borders of Missouri, somewhere 
between Kansas City and Council Bluffs. Of the great 
country of which this was the key, in the language of 
Castafieda, " God reserved its discovery for others. He 



142 COROXADO. 

only permitted us to boast of being the first who had 
any knowledge of it. In the same way Hercules first 
discovered the place where Cesar was afterwards to 
found Seville. May the Lord's will be done ! " 

Meanwhile the main body of the army, which had 
been left by Coronado in the valley encampment, under 
Arellano, had returned to Tiguex. They remained for 
fifteen days at the camp after the General left them, kill- 
ing vast numbers of buffaloes and losing several of their 
men, who wandered so far from camp as not to be able 
to retrace their path ; and then having received orders 
by a messenger from Coronado, commenced their march 
toward the west. They were fortunate in having better 
guides than before, and so accomplished in twenty-five 
days the journey which had occupied thirty-seven in the 
other direction. The route was more southerly than 
that by which they went, and passed by a number of 
salt lakes, which are probably those in the eastern part 
of Valencia County, bringing them to the Rio Grande 
River at a point considerably below that at which they 
had crossed on the bridge, and no doubt somewhere 
between Albuquerque and Los Lunas. From here they 
followed the river up to Cicuye ; but finding the natives 
there indisposed to furnish any provisions, they crossed 
over to Tiguex, arriving about the middle of July. 
During their absence the people had begun to return to 
their homes, but on the re-appearance of the Spaniards, 
they all abandoned them again ; every attempt to inspire 
new confidence having failed. While waiting here for 
news from Coronado, Arellano sent exploring parties 
into diff'erent parts of the country for the double purpose 
of seeking new discoveries and obtaining suj^plies for 
the winter. Capt. Francisco de Barrio-Nuevo was sent 
up the Jemez River as far as the towns of Jemez and 
Yuqueyunque ; and hearing of a large village still higher 
up, they went on to that and found a very considerable 
town built on both sides of the river, which was crossed 



CORONADO. 143 

on bridges made of well-squared timber. In this pueblo 
they found the largest estufas which they had seen, the 
roofs being supported by large wooden pillars, as much 
as twelve feet in height. This town was called by the 
natives Braba, but the Spaniards renamed it Valladolid. 
Another officer went down the Puerco, and examined 
that river and the San Jose, discovering four more towns, 
and following the Puerco until it sank under-ground, 
as the Guadiana does in Estramadura. 

At length, in August, the General arrived at Cicuye, 
having travelled from Quivira by a shorter and better 
route in forty days ; and continued his march to Tiguex, 
where he expected to recuperate his army during the 
winter., and then undertake a new expedition to the 
regions of Quivira and even beyond, in the spring. 
Soon after his arrival, Don Pedro de Tobar came into 
camp with the expected re-inforcements from San 
Geronimo. They came with high expectations of join- 
ing in the conquest of a land rich in gold and silver, 
and were much disappointed at the news which awaited 
them. However, they became reconciled when told of 
the great expedition planned for the next spring. 
Through the fall and winter Coronado busied himself in 
endeavoring to re-establish friendly relations with the 
people of Tiguex, Cicuy^, and the surrounding country, 
and in re-organizing his army for the spring campaign. 
The soldiers were in wretched condition from their 
long and arduous marches, and their clothes were liter- 
ally in tatters ; and the General used every exertion to 
procure cotton stuffs from the natives with which to 
furnish new suits to his men. His attention to their 
comfort made him the idol of the soldiers. " Never was 
a general more beloved and better obeyed," says 
Castaneda. This very attention to the wants of the 
privates caused dissensions between himself and his 
officers, who were too apt to show favoritism and to 
place S,dditional burdens on those whom they did not 



144 CORONADO. 

like ; and once or twice these difficulties became so 
annoying that the general threatened to abandon the 
expedition. 

But when the spring came, all thoughts were turned 
towards the new discoveries and conquests that were 
projected. Orders were issued for the army to be in im- 
mediate readiness to march. But just at this moment 
occurred an accident which changed somewhat the 
course of history. On a festival day, when various 
athletic and martial sports were indulged in, Coronado 
was showing his expertness in the favorite game of run- 
ning at a ring, and was accompanied by Don Pedro 
Maldonado. While his horse was running at full speed, 
the saddle-girth broke, and the General was precipitated 
to the ground in front of the horse of Don Pedro ; and 
the latter, in trying to spring over him, gave him a 
violent kick on the -head, which came near proving fa- 
tal, and confined him to his bed for a long time. This, 
of course, put a stop to all preparations for the advance, 
and caused a feeling of despondency among the soldiers. 
Coronado's own anxiety was added to by bad news from 
a part of his army left near the Sonora frontier ; and he 
began to wish that he was at home, to suffer, and if need 
be to die, in the midst of his own family. Many of the 
officers for various reasons were anxious to return to 
Mexico, and they obtained a petition from the soldiers 
asking an abandonment of the expedition. On receiv- 
ing this, the General- called a council of his officers, 
which decided that, as they had failed to find any treas- 
ures, or even a country fertile enough to be divided 
among the soldiers, it would be best to return ; and new 
orders were immediately issued to prepare for the 
march. But no sooner was this determined than the 
soldiers repented of their action, and begged to have the 
order revoked. But Coronado would not accede to this, 
and to avoid importunity, shut himself up in a house, 
with sentinels at the door. A number of the officers 



CORONADO. 1 45 

also regretted the action, on second thought, and pro 
posed to the General, either to leave them sixty soldiers, 
with which small number they engaged to hold the 
country until re-inforcement came ; or for him to take 
sixty men himself as an escort, leaving the remainder 
of the army under a new commander, who could prose- 
cute the explorations and conquest. But the soldiers 
objected to this separation, and so nothing was done. 

At last the day of departure arrived, and the army 
set out on its return march, in the beginning of April, 
1543. Two of the missionaries, however, expressed their 
desire to remain, Juan de Padilla, a Franciscan, who 
desired to travel to Quivira, and Luis, a lay brother, 
who wished to stay at Cicuye. They were both pious 
men, and full of zeal in the work of propagating the 
faith, and could not bear to leave this great country 
devoid of any Christian teaching. They were sent under 
an escort to Cicuye, and from there Friar Juan, accom- 
panied by a Portuguese, a negro, and some Mexican 
Indians, proceeded to Quivira, where he was martyred 
before even entering the town. Friar Luis was last seen 
by some soldiers who were sent to him with sheep by Cor- 
onado, on his way to visit a settlement some dozen miles 
from Cicuye. Let us hope that the good wishes of the 
early historian were verified in his case. " He was a 
man of good and holy life," says Castaneda ; " I hope 
that our Lord graciously permitted him to convert some 
of those nations, and that he ended his days in feeding 
his spiritual flock." 

On the homeward march scarcely anything oc- 
curred worthy of special mention. The troops rested 
for a few days at Cibola, and several of the Mexi- 
can Indians • concluded to remain there and make 
it their home. At Chichilticale they met Juan Gallegos 
with re-inforcements and munitions, and again the plan 
of returning to Quivira was agitated ; but nothing could 
be accomplished. As the army neared the settlements 



] 4.6 CORONADO. 

of New Spain, discipline became relaxed, and the author- 
ity of the General much impaired. After passing 
Culiacan it was difficult to keep the soldiers together at 
all ; desertions were constant, and when Coronado 
arrived at the City of Mexico, he could barely muster 
100 men. He was coldly received by the Viceroy, who 
was bitterly disappointed at the result of the expe- 
dition ; but yet was given a regular discharge. He had 
lost his high reputation as a soldier, however, and soon 
after was deprived of his Governorship. Thus ended 
this expedition, which, though barren of results at the 
time, will never fail to be of interest as giving to us the 
first accurate account of the towns and the people of 
New Mexico. 

It seems proper, before leaving the history of this 
expedition, to give a description of one of the Pueblo 
towns of that day, as stated by Castaneda. He de- 
scribes a number of them in his narrative — particularly 
Cibola, Tiguex, and Cicuye; but the account given of 
the second seems to contain the most of interest. These 
descriptions are specially valuable in order to compare the 
manners and customs of these people nearly three centu- 
ries and a half ago with those of their descendants that 
exist to-day. Speaking of the towns in the Province of 
Tiguex, he says: "The houses are built in common. 
The women mix the mortar and build the walls. The 
men bring the wood and construct the fram-es. They 
have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, earth, 
and charcoal, which takes its place very well; for al- 
though they build their houses four stories high, the 
walls are not more than three feet thick. The young 
men who are not yet married serve the public in gen- 
eral. They go after fire-wood, and pile it up in the 
court or plaza, where the women go to get it for the use 
of their houses. They live in the estufas, which are 
under-ground in the plazas of the villages; and of which 



CORONADO. 147 

some are square and some are round. The roofs are 
supported by pillars made of the trunks of pine-trees. 
I have seen some with twelve pillars, each of twelve 
feet in circumference; but usually they have only four 
pillars. They are paved with large polished stones, like 
the baths of Europe. In the center is a fire-place, with 
a fire burning therein, on which they throw from time 
to time a handful of sage, which suffices to keep up the 
heat, so that one is kept as if in a bath. The roof is on 
a level with the ground. Some of these estufas are as 
large as a tennis-court. When a young man marries, 
it is by order of the aged men who govern. He has to 
spin and weave a mantle ; they then bring the young 
girl to him, he covers her shoulders with it, and she 
becomes his wife. The houses belong to the women, 
and the estufas to the men. The wome^i are forbidden 
to sleep in them, or even to enter, excejot to bring food 
to their husbands or sons. The men spin and weave ; 
the women take care of the children and cook the food. 
The soil is so fertile that it does not need to be worked 
when they sow ; the snow, falling, covers the seed, and 
the corn starts underneath. The harvest of one year is 
sufficient for seven. When they begin to sow, the fields 
are still covered with corn that has not yet been gath- 
ered. Their villages are very neat; the houses are well 
distributed, and kept in good order; one room is devoted 
to cooking, and another to grinding grain. The latter is 
apart, and contains a fire-place, and three stones set in 
masonry; three women sit down before the stones; the 
first breaks the grain, the second crushes it, and the 
third grinds it entirely to powder. In all the province 
glazed pottery abounded; and the vases were of really 
curious form and workmanship." The buildings at 
Cicuye were described as follows: ''The town is built 
in a square, around a plaza in the center, in which were 
the estufas. The houses are four stories high; the roofs 
arranged in terraces, all of the same height, so that the 



148 



CORONADO. 



people could make a tour of the whole town without 
having to cross a single street. To the first two stories 
there is a corridor in the form of a balcony, which also 
passes completely around the town, and under which 
was a pleasant place to sit in the shade. The houses 
have no doors below, but were entered by movable lad- 
ders which reached to the balconies on the inside of the 
square.'* 




CHAPTER YL 



THE EXPEDITION OF FRIAR RUIZ. 

AFTER the unsuccessful expedition of Coronado, no 
further attempts were made to penetrate into New 
Mexico for many years. So many discoveries were 
being made in Central and South America, of new lands 
which promised rich returns to the explorer or con- 
queror, that the adventurous spirits of the time found 
ample field for the exercise of their enterprise and prow- 
ess without returning to any region which had already 
been the scene of failure. When we consider how re- 
mote the Land of the Seven Cities was from the City of 
Mexico, we may well be surprised, not at the lapse of 
time between expeditions for its exploration, conver- 
sion, or conquest, but that within so few years after the 
fall of Montezuma it should have been reached at all. 
Compared with the slow advance of the English col- 
onists on the Atlantic coast towards the Mississippi 
Valley and the interior of the continent, the swiftness 
with which the adventurous cavaliers of Spain pen- 
etrated to the upper Rio Grande is a marvel. There 
are traditions and some vague written accounts of mis- 
sionary journeys made by zealous monks who passed 
the boundaries of New Mexico in the interval, but 
nothing of certainty or importance until the coming 
of Friar Ruiz, forty years after the departure of Cor- 
onado. 

In the year 1581 Agustin Ruiz, a Franciscan Friar, 
living at San Bartolome, in north-eastern Mexico, heard 
from certain Indians who came from the country around 
the Concho River, that far to the north there were 
several large and rich provinces which the Spaniards 



150 FRIAR RUIZ. 

had never visited. So much was said as to the impor- 
tance and population of this unknown country that 
Ruiz was much interested, and finally determined, if 
possible, to penetrate that region and carry a knowledge 
of Christianity to the thousands who were then living 
in heathenism. With this view he made application for 
permission to undertake the enterprise to both the civil 
and ecclesiastical authorities, and this having been 
granted, he lost no time in arranging to start on his 
benevolent mission. Two other Franciscans, named 
Francisco Lopez and Juan de Santa Maria, accompanied 
him, and they had as an escort a squad of twelve sol- 
diers under command of a captain, these last being also 
directed to make diligent inquiries for any mines that 
might be near their line of march. All things being 
prepared, they started toward the north, and after a 
march of about 500 miles, arrived among the Pueblo vil- 
lages on the Rio Grande, and continued up the valley 
of that river until they reached the town of Puara, long 
since destroyed, but which then stood about eight miles 
north of the site of Albuquerque. Here the soldiers be- 
came alarmed at their position in the midst of such a 
large native population, and at so great a distance from 
supporter succor, and refused to go any further; — in- 
deed, they insisted on an immediate return to Mexico. 
The Franciscans endeavored to persuade them to go on, 
but without effect; and the soldiers in turn tried to in- 
duce the Friars to go back with them, but they were 
equally determined. So they separated; the soldiers of 
the king returned to the ease and security of their gar- 
rison life, and the soldiers of the )ss went forward, 
braving hardships, and danger, and death, to carry the 
words of salvation to the heathen nations around. 

The Friars went as far as the Galisieo River, where 
there was an important pueblo, being everywhere 
received with welcome and hospitality ; and then con- 
cluded, as the country was so inviting and the people so 



FRIAR RUIZ. 151 

ready to receive instruction, to send one of their num- 
ber back to Mexico in order to bring more of the breth- 
ren, and thus enable the work to go on with greater effi- 
ciency. Brother Juan de Santa Maria volunteered to 
undertake the journey, and the other two brethren 
returned to Puara, as the best point at which to learn 
the Indian languages. Friar Juan crossed the Sandia 
Mountains with the intention of proceeding directly 
south to El Paso from the Salt Lakes, that being a pref- 
erable route to the one by the river; but on the third 
day, when near the pueblo of San Pablo, and while rest- 
ing under a tree, he was killed by some Indians, who 
afterwards burned his remains. The two other Friars 
pursued their studies and missionary labors at Puara, 
until Lopez likewise fell a victim to the hatred of some 
of the natives, being killed by a blow on the head while 
engaged in prayer, in a secluded spot a short distance 
from the village. No doubt it had been determined by 
some of those in authority that the missionaries should 
be destroyed, for their lives were blameless and they 
had no enemies ; and the fate of these Franciscans brings 
to mind the last words which Brother Luis was heard 
to utter not quite forty years before, and but a few 
miles distant up the Jemez River ; that " all the Indians 
treated him kindly, with the exception of the old men, 
who disliked him and would probably cause him to be 
put to death." 

Friar Ruiz was now all alone. He succeeded in 
recovering the body of his murdered companion, and 
gave it Christian burial at the pueblo ; but the loss was 
a severe blow to him, and he felt keenly his isolation 
and the danger in which he lived. Still he resolutely 
determined to remain at his post as long as life lasted. 
The Friar had a faithful friend in the war-captain of 
the pueblo; and he, knowing that the death of all three 
of the missionaries had been decreed, endeavored to save 
Ruiz by removing him to the Pueblo of Santiago, about 



152 RIAR RUIZ. 

four miles further up the Rio Grande. But the effort 
was vain, for within a few days he likewise met a mar- 
tyr's fate, and his body was thrown into the river as food 
for fishes. Thus ended the lives of these three devoted 
men, w4io came to christianize a great province, and 
were destroyed before they had really begun the work. 
But their labor was not in vain, for as will soon appear, 
as a consequence of their expedition, followed an almost 
immediate permanent colonization of the country; and 
the proverb that " the blood of the martyrs is the seed 
of the church" was illustrated in the baptism, within 
fifty years, of over 34,000 Indians, and the erection, by 
the Brethren of the Franciscan Order, of no less than 
forty-three churches in New Mexico. 

The soldiers who returned to Mexico from Puara, ar- 
rived in safety at San Bartolome, and reported the situa- 
tion in which the three Friarshadbeenleftby them. This 
caused much anxiety among the Franciscans generally, 
and they endeavored to have relief sent to their breth- 
ren. Their appeals at length touched the heart of Don 
Antonio de Espejo, a wealthy Spanish cavalier, then 
engaged in the mines at Santa Barbara ; who offered his 
services and fortune for the work, if proper authority 
could be obtained for the expedition. This was soon 
arranged, Governor Ontrueros, of New Biscay, granting 
the permission, which included the right to enlist as 
many soldiers as were thought necessary for the success 
of the project. 



CHAPTEE YIl. 



THE EXPEDITION OF ESPEJO. 

■pvON ANTONIO DE ESPEJO having received the 
^^ proper authorization from the Governor of New 
Biscay., lost no time in making arrangements for the 
proposed expedition to carry relief to the Franciscan 
missionaries in New Mexico. He was a man of great 
energy and large resources, and possessed the confidence 
of the people so fully that soldiers hastened to enlist 
under his banner; so that" in a very short time all the 
men required had been enrolled, and the necessary 
stores and munitions were in readiness. Besides the 
little company which he was to command, he took with 
him a considerable number of Indians to perform the 
more laborious duties of the march, and over 100 extra 
horses and mules to be used in case of necessity. The ex- 
pedition set out from the valley of San Bartolome, on the 
10th of December, 1582, marching directly northward 
toward New Mexico. The first tribe that they encount- 
ered was the Conchos, living in the valley of the Con- 
cho River, in what is now the State of Chihuahua. 
Tliese people extended a friendly welcome, and their 
chiefs sent a messenger ahead from town to town so 
that the inhabitants should be ready to receive the 
Spaniards. Two other tribes, known as the Passaguates 
and the Tobosos, were passed through before the expedi- ■ 
tion reached the banks of the Rio Grande. All of the^e 
Indians lived in rude villages of houses covered with 
straw. They raised corn and melons, and obtained a 
good deal of game, especially bears, and also excellent 
fish from the Concho and other streams. In war and 
in the chase they used bows and arrows ; and their 



154 ESPEJO. 

government was of a simple kind, under chiefs or 
caciques. 

It was not until the valley of the Rio Grande was 
reached that a higher grade of civilization was encount- 
ered. Here Espejo found an extensive and populous 
province, called by the natives Humanos, containing a 
number of large towns of superior construction. The 
houses were built of stone, cemented with lime-mortar, 
and covered by flat roofs. The inhabitants were of 
large stature and war -like disposition, and the first 
night that the Spaniards came among them, they at- 
tacked the camp and killed several horses. This was 
probably on account of injuries inflicted by previous 
expeditions of Europeans; for on being assured that 
Espejo meant them no harrii, and was only passing 
through their country, they expressed entire satisfac- 
tion, and afforded him considerable assistance. This 
nation was so extensive that the Spaniards were twelve 
days in traversing their country; but after the first 
difficulty, they were everywhere well received, and 
treated with great hospitality — the Indians not only 
supplying them with all the provisions necessary, but 
bringing presents of hides and chamois-skins, as well 
dressed as those of Flanders. Many of the people 
brought their wives and children to the priests that 
they might bless them, and in other ways showed that 
they had a vague knowledge of Christianity; and on 
being asked how this had been obtained, it appeared 
that this was one of the tribes visited by Cabeza de 
Vaca nearly fifty years before; for they answered that 
•they had been taught by three white men and a negro» 
wjio had passed that way, and had remained a number 
of days amojig them 

Several days' journey further up the river, Espejo 
came to another large and populous province; the in- 
habitants of which were dressed in well-tanned cham- 
ois-skins, and had many beautifully- made feather or- 



ESPEJO. 155 

naments, and striped cotton stuffs, which they offered 
in trade for the trinkets of the Spaniards. Beyond this, 
was another province still more important, where Espcjo 
stopped for three days, while the Indians held a con- 
tinual festival — performing dances and other ceremo- 
nials in manifestation of their joy. The Spaniards 
then came to a long stretch of uninhabited country, 
covered with pinon- trees, and which occupied fifteen 
days of their journey; at the end of which they found 
a few^ small houses roofed with straw. About thirty 
miles above this they began to see some more important 
towns; and found the river bordered with cottonwoods 
and walnuts, the timber being in some places as much 
as ten miles wide. After being for two days in these 
groves, the expedition arrived at a province containing 
ten towns, situated in the valley of the Rio Grande, and 
on both sides of the river. The houses here were four 
stories high, and well constructed; and the people much 
more civilized than those below. They wore clothing 
of cotton and deer-skins — and what was the cause of 
much surprise, boots and shoes, with soles made of the 
strongest and best leather. They were idolaters — hav- 
ing images which they worshiped, although the chief 
objects of their adoration were the sun and heavenly 
bodies; and besides public chapels, which were hand- 
somely painted and ornamented, each residence had an 
oratory for the private worship of its own household. 
The people were industrious 'and thrifty. One chief 
gave Espejo no less than 4,000 bolls of cotton. Appar- 
ently they had not been visited by any expedition be- 
fore, as they had never seen horses; and at first sight 
were inclined to treat them as superior beings. This 
province was situated a short distance below Albuquer- 
(|ue, in the vicinity of the Pueblo of Isleta, which may 
be identical with one of the towns. 

After remaining here for four days the Spaniards 
resumed their march, and in a short time came to the 



156 ESPEJO. 

first of the towns of the Tegua nation, which was within 
a few miles of Puara, the scene of the labors and martyr- 
dom of the Franciscan missionaries. Here for the first 
time they received news of the death of the Friars, and 
Avere greatly disheartened to find that they had arrived 
too late to be of service in protecting them. About the 
same time the people of Puara heard that an army of 
Spaniards was approaching, and supposing that they 
had come to avenge the death of the priests, they deserted 
their homes and fled into the mountains. With the 
news of the martyrdom of the Franciscans, the avowed 
object of the expedition was at an end. A consultation 
was therefore held to determine on the course to be 
adopted, and after some discussion it was decided that 
the surrounding country should be visited, as many 
flattering accounts were heard of its richness and the 
wealth of its cities. The first expedition was made by 
Espojo himself, with only two men, who travelled west 
for two days and visited a province containing eleven 
towns and estimated to have 40,000 inhabitants, which 
lay in the direction of Cibola. The people lived com- 
fortably, having great herds of cattle, and raising cotton 
and many articles of food. The Spaniards also found 
that the wealthier classes had considerable silver and 
gold in their houses. They were well received by the 
natives, who welcomed them both in words and more 
substantially with supplies of provisions. 

This encouraged Espejo to undertake a far more im- 
portant expedition. He proceeded up the river to the 
province of the Queres, where he found five towns, and 
estimated the people at 14,000. Continuing to march 
north, the next province reached Avas one called Cu na- 
mes, which also contained five towns— Zia being the 
most important. This town at that time contained 
eight market-places or plazas, and the houses were the 
best that the Spaniards had seen, being plastered and 
painted many colors. In all respects the people were well 



ESPEJO. 157 

advanced in civilization, and among other manufactures 
had beautiful and curious mantles, some of which they 
presented to the Spaniards. Turning westerly, Espejo 
next visited a neighboring people called Amies, who 
numbered about 30,000 and lived in seven towns, which 
were similar to those of Cunames. Continuing on fifteen 
leagues further, he came to Acoma, the situation of 
which on the summit of its high rock particularly im- 
pressed the Spaniards. All along their route the people 
had received them most hospitably; but Acoma exceeded 
all others in this respect, the officials bringing various 
presents, and the inhabitants in general endeavoring to 
entertain them with characteristic games and dances, 
which occupied three days. 

From here Espejo marched directly west to Zuni, 
where he found, still living, three of the Mexican In- 
dians who had accompanied Coronado, and who on the 
return march had concluded to remain at Cibola. Their 
names were Andrew, of Culiacan, Gaspar, of Mexico, and 
Antonio, of Guadalajara. They had been so long (forty 
years) among the Cibolans that they had nearly entirely 
forgotten their original language ; but their meeting 
with the new expedition of Spaniards was a most inter- 
esting one. Among other things they gave Espejo in- 
formation of a rich and populous country to the west- 
ward, which bordered on a great lake, and in which the 
precious metals abounded. They said that Coronado 
had endeavored to reach it, but had been forced to turn 
back for want of water. Espejo was not to be deterred 
by the ill success of his predecessor, and so, taking but 
nine soldiers with him, and leaving the remainder of 
the army at Cibola, he started on the march. At a dis- 
tance of twenty-eight leagues he came to the most pop- 
ulous province which he had yet visited, as he estimated 
its inhabitants at 50,000, and which was no doubt the 
modern Moqui. Here the chiefs, pursuing somewhat 
the same course which they adopted in the time of Cor- 



158 ESPEJO. 

onado, warned the Spaniards not to approach their 
towns under penalty of death ; but after being assured 
that the visit was altogether friendly and pacific, this 
policy was entirely changed, and they were not only al- 
lowed to enter, but received with special honor. No less 
than 2,000 natives came out from the first town to wel- 
come the strangers, and exchanges of presents of all 
kinds took place, the festivities continuing a number 
of days. 

But Espejo was anxious, to visit the mining district 
near the great lake of which he had been told, and so 
taking fresh guides he set out again to the westward, 
and penetrated the country for forty-five leagues, until 
he came to a mine containing a vein of silver of great 
width, from which he took a number of rich sj^ecimens 
with his own hands. This was situated in a mountain- 
ous region, beyond which the Indians said was a mighty 
river, whose width — in their usual style of exaggeration — 
they stated to be eight leagues ! This was no doubt the 
Colorado ; but the constant allusions to the " Great 
Lake " it is difficult to explain, as there is now no large 
body of water in that region. Whether it existed only 
in the imagination of the natives, or whether at that 
time there really was an inland sea in some of the de- 
pressed portions of Arizona, we shall probably never 
know. It is to be observed, however, that Espejo did not 
see the lake, and none of the other early travellers allude 
to it. 

Satisfied now of the mineral wealth of the country, 
the commander returned to Zufii, where he found his 
army in good health and spirits, the natives having 
treated them with great kindness and generosity. The 
conduct of tlie troops had also been without reproach, so 
that when they set out on their homeward march, the 
Indians not only expressed great regret, but urged them 
to return and bring other Spaniards with them. Re- 
turning once more to the valley of the Rio Grande, the 



ESPEJO. 159 

main body of tne army marched south to Mexico, leav- 
ing Espejo with a small number of chosen companions 
to prosecute his explorations. This time he went to 
the northeast, and found a province containing a popu- 
lation of about 25,000 people, living in a mountainous 
country covered with pines, or piilons, and in which 
mines abounded. It is impossible now to fix with pre- 
cision the location of this province, as we do not know 
the point from which the explorer started on this last 
expedition ; but it is not unlikely that it included the 
Placer mountains, with possibly the Cerrillos to the 
north, and part of the Sandias to the south. Unfortu- 
nately the narrative does not even stata what kind of 
mines they were that were thus abundant. From this 
point Espejo continued his march to another province 
of which he heard, which was said to contain about 
40,000 people, called Tanos, But here, contrary to the 
pleasant experience he had heretofore enjoyed, the In- 
dians refused to allow him to enter a town, or to supply 
him with any provisions. 

This cold reception seems to have discouraged him, 
or at all events led him to realize how powerless he 
would be with his handful of followers in the midst of 
populous Indian nations, should they for any reason 
become hostile. So he determined to return to Mexico, 
well satisfied however that the country was far too rich 
and inviting to be neglected in the future. He started 
early in July, 1584, and by the advice of guides took 
the homeward route by the Pecos, instead of the Rio 
Grande, finding in its valley the same great herds of 
buffaloes which had before given to it the name of the 
"Rio de las Vacas." He followed the Pecos Valley down 
into what is now north-western Texas, and crossed the 
Rio Grande to the Conchos, and so on to New Biscay ; 
whence he sent a full account of his discoveries and ad- 
ventures to the Spanish court. The reports brought 
back by the members of the expedition spread through- 



160 



ESPEJO. 



out the country, and aroused a new and strong interest 
in the settlement of the regions to the north, which soon 
developed itself in more important enterprises and the 
permanent colonization of the country. 




CHAPTER YIII. 



COLONIZATION UNDER ONATE. 

THE first result of the reports of the mineral riches 
of New Mexico, brought by the members of Espejo's 
expedition, was the departure of a small party, under a 
leader named Humana, to search for gold in the New El 
Dorado. Nothing of permanent interest, however, wa& 
accomplished by them, for after exploring part of the 
country east of the Rio Grande, their captain and all 
but three of the men engaged in the expedition were 
killed by the Indians. Onate, when he marched through 
the country a short time afterwards, saw two of the sur- 
vivors, a Mexican Indian, called Jose, and a mulatto 
girl ; and the third remained with the New Mexican 
Indians, adopting their habits and manners, and being 
at length elevated to the dignity of a chief. The time 
was about to arrive, however, when a settlement on a 
larger scale and of greater permanence than any which 
had preceded it was to take place ; and this, also, was 
the direct result of the favorable accounts which were 
brought back to Mexico by Espejo and his companions. 
Don Juan de Onate was a wealthy and influential 
citizen of Zacatecas, in which city he was born; and his 
ambition was strongly excited by the opportunities Oi 
great riches and aggrandizement which were presented 
by the reports brought from the almost unknown coun- 
try to the north. He made a formal application to the 
Viceroy of New Spain, Don Luis de Velasco, for 
authority to colonize New Mexico, offering to undertake 
the work with at least 200 soldiers, and with all the 
animals, tools, goods, and appliances necessary to make 
it a success. In return of course he asked for the usual 



162 ON ATI-:. 

rewards of discoverers and colonizers — authority, no- 
bility, and wealth in lands and money. The Viceroy, 
after due consideration, granted the authority applied 
for, so far as the colonization was concerned, and also 
most of the attendant requests of Onate, on the condi- 
tion, however, that the country should be conquered, 
pacified, and colonized within five years; and this grant 
was afterwards confirmed by the king of Spain, in very 
ample form, in a decree dated July 8, 1602. Oiiate did 
not wait, however, for this confirmation, but with 
characteristic energy made preparations for the work 
the moment he had secured this permission of the 
Viceroy. Like almost all enterprises of importance, this 
encountered opposition from various sources, which it 
required considerable time to overcome; and the delay 
added greatly to the expense, as a large number of those 
who originally enlisted became discouraged and returned 
to their homes before the preparations were fairly 
concluded. The expedition, as finally constituted, con- 
sisted of over 700 soldiers and 130 families for coloniza- 
tion, the latter carrying everything with them requisite 
for permanent settlement. Ten Friars of the Franciscan 
order accompanied the party, which consisted at its 
start of about 1,250 persons ; but after the march com- 
menced and they began to appreciate the real hardships 
to be endured, while the glamour of romance gradually 
disappeared, desertions became numerous, so that when 
New Mexico was actually reached, scarcely more than 
half the original company remained; the desertions, 
however, being mainly among the troops, and not 
materially affecting the families'. 

The expedition set out in 1591, and proceeded 
northerly through the present States of Durango and 
Chihuahua until it reached the Rio Grande, and then 
marched up the valley of that river much as Espejo had 
done, encountering the same native nations and being 
uniformly well treated, until it arrived at a point 



ONATE. 133 

further north than any to which its predecessors had 
penetrated, and finally selected as the center of the 
future colony the sheltered valley on the north side of 
the Chama, just above its junction with the Rio Grande, 
thus affording protection to the settlement of all of the 
fertile valleys which extend north, west, and south. 
The new town they called the City of New Mexico; and 
while it never grew to any great importance, and was 
outstripped in its growth by many places afterwards 
established, yet its site will never cease to be of interest 
to New Mexicans. Near by, at San Yldefonso, was 
founded the first permanent '^convento" of the Fran- 
ciscan fathers, which for a considerable time was the 
center of their missionary activity and enterprise. The 
Indians in the vicinity of the new town were kind and 
disposed to welcome the new-comers, whom they assisted 
very materially in the building of their houses. They 
lived as did those previously described, in villages or 
community houses several stories in height, built 
around squares and containing many rooms; their food 
consisted principally of the beans, corn, and pumpkins 
which they raised, together with the products of the 
chase, and the fish of the Rio Grande and its branches ; 
and they were comfortably and indeed becomingly 
dressed in the tanned skins of buffaloes and smaller an- 
nimals, and in fabrics of cotton of their own raising and 
manufacture, ornamented with feathers of the wild 
turkey and other birds. 

As in all other colonies, the first season was one of 
difficulty and privation. Houses had to be built, the 
virgin soil broken up for future planting, and many 
kinds of arduous labor encountered ; but the land was 
fertile, the climate unsurpassed, and in much of the 
heaviest work they had the assistance of the natives, so 
that before very long contentment and prosperity pre- 
vailed. In the meantime, however, some had become 
discouraged ; those who had come expecting to find a 



164 ONATS. 

land where riches were to be obtained without labor 
were dissatisfied, and so a considerable number, espe- 
cially of the soldiers, took such opportunities as were 
presented for returning to Mexico, where they spread 
reports of the barrenness and poverty of the country 
and the failure of the attempts at settlement. 

As soon as the necessary means of livelihood were 
assured, by the building of houses and planting of fields, 
the Spaniards commenced extensive explorations for 
the precious metals, which had been a leading object of 
their coming. Mines were soon found in very many 
parts of the country, and in nearly every locality where 
they are now known, so wide-spread was the rude " pros- 
pecting" of those days. Gold or silver was discovered — 
the former sometimes in veins and sometimes in gravel — 
from Socorro on the south to the Picuris Mountains on 
the north, including the Sandias, the Placers, the Cer- 
rillos, etc., and also to the west in the mountains of 
Jemez. A little later they extended the area of mineral 
discovery and development even further north, as the 
shafts of their ancient mines are found as far up as the 
Rio Hondo and Colorado in New Mexico, and even be- 
tween the Culebra and Trinchera in southern Colorado. 
Settlements were rapidly made in various parts of 
the country, fresh immigrants following those who com- 
posed the first expedition, and no opposition to their 
settlement being manifested by the resident natives. 
As soon as Onate could leave the central town on the 
Chama, with safety, he undertook a series of peaceful 
expeditions to the various Indian nations, with the 
view of obtaining accurate information as to their char- 
acter and numbers, and also to insure amicable relations 
with them, and as far as possible to introduce Christian 
missionaries into their chief towns. After visiting 
most of the tribes of the Rio Grande Valley and ita 
vicinity, he attempted a more ambitious journey, evi- 
dently wishing to emulate the example of Coronado, 



ONATE. 165 

and resolved to cross the plains to the great city of 
Quivira, which, perhaps on account of its very distance 
and inaccessibility,seems to have filled the minds of all the 
early Spanish adventurers, for over a century, with the 
most romantic ideas. This expedition set out in the 
year 1599, and consisted of eighty soldiers, accompanied 
by two Friars named Francisco de Velasco and Pedro de 
Vergara, for spiritual duties, and as a guide by Jose, 
the Mexican Indian, previously mentioned as escaping 
from the ill-starred party of Humana, and who was found 
by the later Spaniards at the Pueblo of Picuris They 
marched as Coronado had done more than half a century 
before, and as Peiialosa was to do more than an equal 
period afterward, over the great buffalo-plains towards 
the east ; finding the same bright, clear atmosphere, 
the same unvarying prairie, the same grapes and plums, 
the same enormous herds of bufi"aloes, and the same 
wandering tribes of Indians, which had no doubt been 
there from time immemorial. After travelling over 
200 leagues, and just before reaching the settlement 
of Quivira, they met, as did Peanlosa, a tribe called 
Escansaques, on their way to make their annual foray 
into the cultivated country of the Quivirans, with 
whom they were in a state of perpetual war. Some 
difficulty arose between the Spaniards and this maraud- 
ing tribe, which resulted in a serious battle, in which 
we are told a thousand of the Indians were slain ; " a 
thousand" probably being a figure of speech, considered 
allowable when treating of expeditions to such far dis- 
tant dominions ; the old chronicler also giving as a reason 
for this destruction, a pious desire on the part of the 
Franciscan Commissary to teach the Escansaques a 
lesson of peace and honesty, which would lead them to 
abandon their attacks upon Quivira. However this may 
be, Onate very soon approached the wonderful City of 
the East, which was situated on the further bank of a 
river ; and after some negociations, a treaty of perpetual 



166 ONATE. 

peace and friendship was concluded between the Span- 
iards and Quivirans. The country was found to be 
thickly settled, great numbers of villages being seen ; 
and the people said that to the north it w^as even more 
densely populated. As in the days of Coronado, no silver 
nor gold was seen ; but reports w^ere heard that the 
precious metals were plentiful in the interior. Satisfied 
with the result of his journey, Onate returned to New 
Mexico ; and a few years after, in 1606, a party of no less 
than 800 Quivira Indians came to Santa Fe to ask aid 
in their war wdth the Axtaos, which was then being 
fiercely waged. They gave glowing accounts of the 
wealth of their ememies, as an incentive to action on the 
part of the Spaniards ; but nothing resulted from it, 
except that they left with Onate an Axtao prisoner, 
who was in their hands, who was subsequently baptized 
by the name of Miguel, taken to Spain by Don Vicente 
De Saldivar, and presented to the king, attracting great 
attention wherever he went. 

For several years the Governor continued with a rare 
combination of energy and prudence to establish new 
settlements and strengthen those already existing ; at 
the same time conciliating the natives, and preventing, 
during the period of his authority, any hostilities on 
the part of either race. He explored all parts of the 
country, and in 1611 made another trip to the eastward, 
discovering the Cannibal Lakes, w^hich cannot well be 
identified at this day, and the deep canon of the Cana- 
dian River, which was appropriately called the 
'' Palisade." 



CHAPTER IX. 



THE PERIOD FROM 1600 TO 1680. 

THE period between the permanent settlement of 
New Mexico by Europeans, under Onate, at the end 
of the sixteenth centur}^, and the revolution of 1680, 
presents a few salient features which are illustrated by 
a multitude of lesser occurrences. The principal events 
of a general character were the increase and extension 
of the Spanish settlements, the introduction and propa- 
gation of Christianity among the natives, the estab- 
lishment and development of mining as an important 
industry, and the constantly growing feeling of aliena- 
tion and hatred on the part of the Pueblo Indians. 
Each of these had relation more or less to the others, so 
that they cannot well be treated separately ; and in any 
event, our knowledge of the history of those times is 
imperfect and fragmentary, as all of the regular records 
were destroyed during the years of Pueblo supremacy 
which succeeded. After the successful establishment of 
the first colonies on the Upper Rio Grande, Spanish 
communities quickly grew up in all the more accessible 
parts of the Territory, sometimes in connection with 
the native Pueblos, and sometimes as independent set- 
tlements. Santa Fe, from its central position, between 
the upper and lower valleys, and on account in part, no 
doubt, of the charm of its situation and climate, early 
became the most important of the Spanish towns and 
the seat of highest authority. It is very likely that 
Onate himself transferred his residence there from the 
banks of the Chama; and, at all events, it is certain 
that his immediate successors made it the Capital, and 
that the palace was built at a very early day. It was 



168 FROM 1600 TO 1680. 

the long established seat of power when Penalosa con- 
fined the Chief Inquisitor within its walls, in 1663, and 
when the Pueblo authorities took possession of it as the 
citadel of their central authority, in 1681. 

The Spanish settlers naturally found homes in the 
fertile and beautiful valley of the Rio Grande, and did 
not attempt to establish many towns far beyond the 
mountains which marked its boundaries on either 
hand ; but the zealous missionaries of the Christian 
faith were not confined within any such narrow limits. 
As we have seen, ten Friars accompanied Oiiate on his 
first expedition into the country, and their number was 
frequently increased from time to time by the arrival of 
new brothers from Mexico and Spain — all being of the 
order of St. Francis. Their first missionary station after 
San Yldefonso, was established at a place in the territory 
of the Tegua nation, and probably at one of their princi- 
pal pueblos, hence called in the early records " El 
Teguayo," and which has by many been considered 
identical witli Santa Fe. A strong probability is lent to 
this from the propriety with which the name of the " La 
Ciudad de la Santa Fe de San Francisco," '' the city of the 
holy faith of St. Francis," would have been given to the 
point selected for the earliest settled missionary effort of 
the Franciscan Fathers. The missionaries traversed the 
country in all directions, priests were stationed at all 
the principal villages, and churches erected as rapidly 
as possible at the important points. As early as 1608 
it was reported that at least 8,000 Indians had been 
baptized. Twenty-one years later the number had in- 
creased to 34,650; and not less than forty churches had 
been built for the performance of the ceremonies of the 
Roman Church. The most celebrated of the monks 
who devoted himself to the missionary work during the 
intervening period was Geronimo de Zarate Salmaron, 
who established himself at Jemez ; and from the facility 
that he acquired in the use of the languages of the 



FROM 1600 TO 1680. 169 

people, preached with such success that he alone 
baptized no less than 6,566 Indians at that pueblo, 
besides extending his ministrations to the neighboring 
pueblos of Zia and Santa Ana, and accomplishing the 
pacification of Acoma, which until that time had re- 
fused to hold any friendly intercourse with the Spaniards. 
But as time passedand the colonists became stronger, 
the priests resorted to other means than by pious ex- 
ample and persuasion to bring converts to the Christian 
faith. Men whose zeal far outran their discretion took 
part in the work, and the spirit of persecution then 
dominant in Europe began to exert its baneful in- 
fluence among the peaceful and kind-hearted natives of 
New Mexico. Many of these were naturally attached to 
the religion of their fathers, in which generation after 
generation of the people had been educated, and which 
had become almost a part of their nature. They were 
evidently a religious people, as Espejo found images and 
altars in almost every house The estufas were 
the scenes of their more public ceremonies, and 
they had priests whom they revered as having 
special intercourse with the Higher Power. Religious 
rites were of frequent observance among them, and the 
*' cachina," their favorite dance, had a connection with 
supernatural things. The great object of their worship 
undoubtedly was the sun, and around it, according to 
their crude and superstitious creed, were various lesser 
powers, which ruled over special subjects, and were the 
objects of a kind of adoration, and certainly of fear. 
But while thus far from the truth, their religion was 
intended to make them better and nobler, and did not 
call for human sacrifices or the perpetration of any kind 
of outrage or cruelty. When Christianity was intro- 
duced as a religion of benevolence and of blessing, as by 
Cabeza de Vaca, who taught a few of the essentials of 
the faith, ministered to the sick, and blessed the skins 
brought by the people among whom he sojourned ; or 



170 FROM 1600 TO 1680. 

by the first Friars, who sought by good counsel and holy 
lives to conciliate and win the hearts of the natives — it 
gained their affection as well as their respect; but after- 
wards the "zeal without knowledge " of the ecclesias- 
tical rulers led to unfortunate results They endeavored 
to convert by force, instead of by love and persuasion. 
The ancient rites were prohibited under severe penalties, 
the old images were torn down, sacred places destroyed, 
estufas closed, and the "cachinas" and all similar semi- 
religious ceremonies and festivities forbidden. They 
were compelled to an outward compliance with the rules 
and participation in the rites of the Roman Church. 
They had to attend its services, to submit to baptism, 
to support its priests, and subject themselves to its 
authority, whether they really understood and believed 
its teaching or not The Inquisition was introduced, 
and soon became the dominant power in the territory, 
forcing even the highest civil officers to do its bidding, 
or subjecting them to removal, disgrace, and pun- 
ishment, if they dared to exercise independence in their 
action, or attempted to interfere with the arbitrary 
and often cruel edicts of its imperious representatives. 
A conspicuous instance of this is found in the removal 
of two successive Governors (Mendizaval and Peiialosa) 
by its influence in 1660 and 1664. 

The Spaniards who came at first as friends and were 
eager to have the good-will and assistance of the in- 
telligent natives, soon began to claim superiority and 
to insist on the performance of services which originally 
were mere evidences of hospitality and kindness. Little 
by little they assumed greater power and control over the 
Indians, until in the course of years they had subjected 
a large portion of them to servitude little differing from 
actual slavery. The Spanish courts assumed jurisdic- 
tion over the whole territory, and imposed severe 
punishment on the Indians for the violation of any of 
their laws — civil or ecclesiastical; introducing an 



FROM 1600 TO 1680. 171 

entirely new criminal system, unknown and certainly 
unclesired by the natives. For slight infractions of 
edicts of which they were often ignorant, men and 
women were whipped or condemned to be sold into 
slavery ; the latter punishment being encouraged, be- 
cause it provided the labor of which the Spaniards stood 
in need. The introduction of mining, and its rapid 
extension all over the territory, aggravated their hard- 
ships ; for the labor, which was exceedingly dangerous, 
as well as toilsome, was performed almost entirely by 
Indians forced to work under the direction of unfeeling 
task-masters. Under all these circumstances the kind- 
hearted and peace-loving Pueblos, who had lived for 
generations an easy life of independence and happiness, 
until the coming of these strangers from the south, 
naturally changed in their feelings from welcome and 
hospitality to an intense hatred and a determination to 
repel the intruders whenever an opportunity should 
present itself. It was not to be supposed that the 
stronger communities, populous and well governed, 
should succumb without a struggle to the tyranny of the 
new-comers. 

The middle of the seventeenth century was filled 
with a succession of conflicts and revolts, arising from 
these circumstances. Many of these were local and 
swiftly suppressed ; frequently being betrayed before 
really commenced, and requiring no particular notice 
here. In 1640 a special exercise of religious persecution 
in the whipping, imprisonment, and hanging of forty 
natives, because they would not be converted from their 
old faith, aroused the Indians to revolt ; but only to be 
reduced to more complete subjection. Very shortly 
afterwards the Jemez nation took up arms, and obtained 
the promise of assistance from their old enemies, the 
Apaches, but were unsuccessful ; and the Spanish Gov- 
ernor, Gen. Arguello, punished them by the imprison- 
ment of twenty-nine of their leading chiefs. A more 



172 FROM 1600 TO 1680. 

important attempt was made in 1650, when the whole 
Tegua nation, including the pueblos of Jemez, Cochiti, 
San Felipe, Sandia, Alameda, and Isleta, united in a 
project to kill or drive away the entire Spanish popula- 
tion, and especially the priests ; the Apaches being also 
implicated, as the new danger of foreign domination 
seemed to heal for the time the old enmity between the 
industrious inhabitants of the pueblos and the nomadic 
tribes which had been accustomed to subsist on the 
stolen products of their labors. The plan was to make 
XI simultaneous attack on the Spanish settlements on 
the evening of Holy Thursday, when the people would 
be at church and unsuspicious of danger ; and it bid fair 
to be successful, but for its untimely discovery, and the 
energetic measures of Gov. Concha, who arrested and 
imprisoned the leaders, of whom nine were subsequently 
hung, and the remainder sold into slavery. While Gen. 
Villanueva was Governor, the Piros Pueblos rose and 
killed a number of Spaniards, but were in turn over- 
powered ; and soon after, the Pueblos of the Salt Lake 
country in the south-east, under Estevan Clemente, 
their Governor, organized a general revolt, which how- 
ever was discovered in advance and its execution pre- 
vented. These unsuccessful attempts however taught 
the Indians that the only hope of success was in united 
action by all of the native nations ; and preparations for 
this were quietly discussed and arranged through a con- 
siderable series of years, at the time of the annual 
festivals, when the people of the different pueblos were 
brought together. Once it seemed as if the time for the 
rising had come— the people of Taos taking the lead in 
the work — but through the refusal of the distant Moqui 
Indians to unite in the revolt, it was for a time aban- 
doned. The Spaniards, however, were kept in a condi- 
tion of constant fear, as it was impossible to know at 
what time a formidable rising and general massacre 
might take place. 



FROM 1600 TO 1680. 173 

The bitter feeling of the natives was heightened by 
a singular transaction in 1675. According to the super- 
stitious ideas of the day, Friar Andres Duran, Superior 
of the great Franciscan Monastery at San Yldefonso, to- 
gether with some of his relations, believed themselves 
to be bewitched, and accused the Tegua nation of being 
guilty of causing the affliction. Such an attack by the 
emissaries of Satan on the very head of the missionary 
organization of the territory was a serious matter, and 
the Governor, Don Juan Francisco Frecencio, organized 
a special tribunal, consisting of Francisco Javier, the 
the Civil and Military Secretary, and Luis de Quintana, 
as judges, with Diego Lopez as interpreter, to inves- 
tigate the charge. The result was the conviction of 
forty-seven Indians, of whom forty-three were whipped 
and enslaved, and the remainder hung; the executions 
being distributed between Jemez, Nambe, and San 
Felipe, in order to be a warning to future wrong-doers. 
This action naturally incensed the Teguas to the high- 
est degree. Seventy of them, led by Pope, a San Juan 
Indian, who had begun to be prominent for his enter- 
prise and wisdom, marched to Santa Fe to endeavor to 
ransom the prisoners ; and a conspiracy was formed to 
assassinate the Governor, but nothing was accomplished 
at the time. Meanwhile the cruelty of the slavery in 
the mines increased, the religious persecution con- 
tinued, and everything united to drive the natives into 
the great revolt which occurred in 1680. 

During the period from 1600 to 1680 a considerable 
number of Governors ruled in New Mexico, the ap- 
pointments being made by the Viceroy of New Spain. 
Unfortunatel)^, in consequence of the destruction of the 
records at the time of the Pueblo Revolution, no perfect 
statement even of their names can be made. In the 
year 1600 Don Pedro de Peralta was appointed Governor, 
apparently superseding Onate, who only the year be- 
fore had led the expedition to Quivira. But it is evi- 



174 FROM 1600 TO IGSO. 

dent that Onate was soon restored, for the Quiviran 
delegation in 1606 was received by him; in 1611 he 
made his second exploration to the eastward, and as 
late as 1618 we are told that the expedition of Don 
Vicente de Saldivar, of which more will be said pres- 
ently, was undertaken *^by order of his uncle, the 
Adelantado Don Juan de Oiiate." The celebrated Moro, 
or Inscription Rock, near Zufii. bears on its surface the 
memorial of a Governor who otherwise might have re- 
mained unknown^ in the following words : " Bartolome 
Narrso, Governor and Captain-General of the Provinces 
of New Mexico, passed by this place on his return from 
the Paeblo of Zuni, on the 29th of July, 1620, having 
put them at peace, etc." How long this Narrso con- 
tinued to govern we do not know; but it is evident from 
some old documents that in 1640 General Arguello was 
Governor, and General Concha in 16-50. One of the 
oldest of the archives, dated 1683, mentions Enrique de 
Abela y Pacheco, as having governed the province in 
1656. He must have been followed soon after by Ber- 
nardo Lopez de Mendizaval, as the latter had time 
enough before 1660 to render himself obnoxious to the 
Inquisition, whose complaint was sufficiently influen- 
tial to effect his removal in that year. The Count of 
Penalosa, a more full account of whom we will soon pre- 
sent in connection with his expedition to Quivira, was 
appointed Governor in 1660, but did not arrive till late 
in the spring of 1661. He also had the misfortune to 
come in collision with the Inquisition, whose chief of- 
ficial was assuming such dictatorial powers that Pena- 
losa finally felt compelled to arrest him and hold him 
as a prisoner for a week in the Palace ; for which the 
Inquisition repaid him with interest a short time after, 
causing him to be deprived of his office and suffer a 
long imprisonment and enormous fine. Soon after 
General Villanueva was Governor, and in 1675 Don 
Juan Francisco Frecenio w^as appointed. Altogether, 



FROM 1600 TO 1680. 175 

between 1640 and 1680, fourteen persons exercised the 
gubernatorial authority, but the above names are all 
that are certainly known, except that of Antonio Oter- 
min, who was Governor at the time of the breaking out 
of the Pueblo rebellion in 1680. 

During this period various expeditions were under- 
taken from time to time with a view to the exploration 
of the country, or the extension of the knowledge of 
Christianity among the natives. To two of these (that 
of Saldivar in 1618, and that of Pefialosa in 1662) sepa- 
rate chapters will be devoted, on account of the quamt- 
ness of the record of the former, and the important his- 
toric interest of the latter. At one time (the exact date 
not being preserved) two Franciscans, Father Pedro Or- 
tega, Guardian of Santa Fe, and Father Alonzo Yanis, 
advanced 100 leagues into the Apache country, and then 
went 50 leagues east, and 50 north, reaching finally a 
very large river, which they called San Francisco; but 
their Apache guides were afraid to proceed any further, 
and the zealous priests returned. Another expedition 
eastward from Santa Fe was that of the Missionary 
Fathers Juan de Salas and Diego Lopez, to the Xumana 
nation. Benavides, who narrates the miraculous con- 
version of this tribe, fixes the locality of this people as 
follows: "Setting out from the city of Santa Fe, the 
center of New Mexico, and passing through the Apache 
nation of the Vaqueros (Buffalo-hunters), you come to 
the Xumana nation, whose conversion was so miracu- 
lous that it is just to relate how it was." Nothing else 
worthy of special mention has come down to us in 
the meagre chronicles of that period. Everything was 
slowly but surely drifting toward a great revolt by the 
ill-treated Pueblos. After giving narratives of the ex- 
peditions of Saldivar and Penalosa, we will see how 
formidable that revolt was when it actually occurred. 



CHAPTER X. 



THE EXPEDITION OF SALDIVAR. 

In 1618 an expedition, of which a brief account has 
come down to us, was made by Vicente de Saldivar, 
Maestre de Campo, and nephew of Don Juan de Ofiate, 
with forty-seven men. He was accompanied, as usual 
on such expeditions, by an ecclesiastic, not only for the 
spiritual welfare of the men and the conversion of such 
natives as it might be possible to bring under Christian 
influences, but also as a kind of historian of the expedi- 
tion. Nothing was really accomplished, on account of 
the fears aroused by the stories of a nation of giants 
soon to be encountered if the expedition proceeded far- 
ther, and it is impossible to tell the exact direction 
taken on the march. The Rio de Buena Esperanza, or 
Del Tison, has generally been considered to be the Gila, 
but much difficulty often arises from the same name 
being applied by different narrators to various rivers 
or cities, or sometimes by distinct rivers reached by dif- 
ferent travellers being supposed by them to be parts of 
the same, and so miscalled bv the same name. In one 
narrative the Colorado of the West near the Grand 
Canon is called "Tison," and the description of the 
giants is similar to what was said of a tribe on that 
river. This theory that the Colorado is intended is the 
more plausible on account of the word " Moq," 
which would evidently mean the land of the Moquis. 
The narrative of this expedition is so brief, and at the 
same time so quaint and characteristic of the times, 
that we give a translation in full, — 

" In the year 1618 tlie Maestre de Campo Vicente de 
Saldiv-ar set forth on a journey of discovery, with forty- 



SALDIVAK. 177 

seven well appointed soldiers, accompanied by the Padre 
Friar Lazaro Ximenes, of the order of our Seraphic 
Padre San Francisco, and passing through these same 
populated and civilized nations to the end of Moq, and 
journeying through those unpeopled countries fifteen 
more days, they arrived at the Rio de BuenaEsperanza 
(Goodhope River), or Tison River, in which place they 
found themselves in latitude thirty six and one-half 
degrees; and journeying up for two days towards the 
north with a very good guide who offered to conduct 
them, they arrived at a little village, and asking infor- 
mation of the country in the interior, the}^ told such 
great things of it as those in the west on the coasts of 
the South Sea and California had told them, and as had 
been described to us by those in the east at the 
Quivira, which greatly encouraged all to continue their 
journey; but as among other things they told them that 
in the country beyond they would find a gigantic and 
terrible people, so enormous and wonderful that one of 
our men on horseback was small in comparison, and 
who shot exceedingly large arrows, it appeared to Sal- 
divar that he could not raise sufficient force to encounter 
such a multitude of barbarians, and so he deter- 
mined to return, fearing some misfortune such as was 
experienced by Captain Humana and others ; and 
although Friar Lazaro and t ae greater part of the sol- 
diers opposed this determination they could not prevail, 
and although twenty-five of them begged permission to 
enter and explore the land, the Maestre de Campo was 
not willing to permit it, fearing they would all be lost ; 
but commanded that they should go no further, but turn 
about; and while this determination was being carried 
into effect and the baggage being packed, the earth at that 
point exhibited great feeling and sorrow by a terrific and 
frightful earthquake, which appeared to play even with 
the most massive mountains, throwing to the ground 
the laden animals as well as the men, without leaving 



178 SALDIVAR. 

anything in its place, thus manifesting in a mysterious 
manner, by this earthquake, the cowardice of heart of 
those who turned back from the gates of that fertile, 
rich, and extensive countrj^ which is so good that it is 
generally believed that all that to this time, has been 
conquered and colonized under the name of America is 
dull in comparison with what is contained in this new 
part of the New World, which is menaced by conquest by 
the French who are bounded by it, and by the English 
and Dutch who desire it so greatly, although neither 
the one nor the other can obtain it, because they do not 
understand the art of conquest, which is reserved to the 
valor and discretion of our nation and the Portuguese, 
although ours did not then dare to go to see it even to be 
undeceived. They say that Padr6 Lazaro then ex- 
claimed in a loud voice wath indescribable grief, ' Oh 
Spaniards, what sorrow the earth feels at our lack of 
courage, and we do not feel it ourselves !' " 




CHAPTEK XL 



THE EXPEDITION OF PENALOSA TO QUIVIRA. 

npHE expedition of Don Diego do Penalosa, though 
-*- comparatively little known, was certainly the most 
ambitious, as it came near being the most important in 
results, of all the expeditions of the Spaniards of New 
Mexico in the period which succeeded the conquest. By 
both birth and experience he was just the man calcu- 
lated to organize and lead in adventurous exploits, which 
promised rich results in honor, or power, or gold.' In a 
document apparently drawn up by himself, published 
by Margry, and reproduced in Shea's "Penalosa," it is 
stated that Pedro Arias de Avila, first governor of Terra 
Firma, was his great-great-grandfather; Diego de 
Ocampo, admiral of the South Sea, and Pedro de Valdivia, 
who, at his own cost, conquered the Kingdom of Chile', 
were his great-grandfathers ; the Commander Diego de 
Penalosa, his grandfather, held many important offices, 
both civil and military, in Peru ; his father, Don Alonzo', 
was governor of the provinces of Arequipa and Aricaxa' 
etc., and a knight of Calatrava ; and he himself had been 
Alcalde and Justicia Mayor of La Paz, Governor of 
Omasuyos, Alcalde of Cuzco, and finally Provincial 
Alcalde of the city of La Paz and its five dependent prov- 
inces, which last office cost him 50,000 crowns. 

A quarrel with the brother of the Viceroy of Peru 
led him to leave that country for Spain ; but misfortune 
attended the journey, for he was wrecked in the Pacific, 
losing 40,000 crowns, and saving only his pearls and 
precious stones ; and then concluding to visit his uncle, 
the Bishop of Nicaragua, he was again wrecked and with 
difficulty reached the cathedral city of that ecclesiastic. 



180 PENALOSA. 

in an impoverished condition. The Bishop, however, 
provided him with everything suitable to his wealth 
and rank, and thus equipped he proceeded to 
Mexico, where the Viceroy of New Spain, the Duke of 
Albuquerque, received him with great favor, appointed 
him to various important offices, and so loaded him with 
honors that he abandoned the design of proceeding to 
the mother country. This favor at the vice-regal 
court continued not only during the whole official term 
of Albuquerque, but under his successor Juan de Leiva 
y de la Cerda, Marquis and Count de Bafios, who 
appointed him in 1660 Governor of New Mexico, in place 
of Don Bernardo Lopez Mendizaval, who had been com- 
plained of by the officials of the Inquisition. 

Proceeding to his new dominion by easy stages, stop- 
ping two months at Zacatecas and one at Parral, he ar- 
rived at Santa Fe in the early summer of 1661, and by 
his energy and tact soon quieted the troubles that had 
arisen under his predecessor; and after a vigorous cam- 
paign against the marauding Apaches, defeated that 
restive tribe, and forced them to keep the peace. Seek- 
ing to extend the area of Spanish authority, and always 
fond of adventure and fearless of danger, he then pro- 
ceeded to organize an expedition to penetrate the coun- 
try to the north-east, of which nothing definite was 
known, save the rumors and traditions of cities of great 
extent, splendor, and riches, and the exaggerated reports 
brought by the early explorers, who had endeavored, 
unsuccessfully, to solve entirely the problem of the un- 
known land beyond the plain. One hundred and twenty 
years had passed since Coronado had set out on a simi- 
lar quest, and over half a century since the last expe- 
dition, under Oiiate; and the vague traditions of what 
they saw only served to stimulate the curiosity and the 
ambition of the new generation of Spaniards. 

In this project he was encouraged by the adulation 
of Friar Nicolas de Freytas, Guardian of the ancient 



PENALOSA. 181 

convent of San Yldefonso (the first established in New 
Mexico), who exclaims, in writing of the unsuccessful 
exploits of Vicente de Saldivar: "But I believe and 
hold as undoubted, that as our good God and Lord re- 
served the conquest of the Terra Firma for the illus- 
trious Pedro Arias de Avila; and that of Peru for the 
most fortunate Francisco Pizarro; and that of Chile for 
the celebrated Pedro Gutierrez de Valdivia; and that of 
the South Sea for the famous Don Diego de Ocampo; 
and that of Mexico for the renowned Hernando Cortez ; 
so he keeps this for the excellent Don Diego Dionisio de 
Peiialosa, who — as great-grandson of the three greatest 
knights (De Avila, Valdivia, and Ocampo), and best, 
soldiers of the five just named, and husband of the 
granddaughter of the ever-victorious Marquis of the 
Valley, Cortez — appears to reproduce the valor of those 
noble heroes." 

Throughout the winter the preparations proceeded 
with energy, enlisting the interest and support of the 
most imjDortant people of New Mexico; and finally the 
expedition commenced its march from the Capital, on 
the 6th of March, 1662. Seldom has Santa Fe seen a 
more brilliant spectacle. Eighty Spaniards formed the 
nucleus of the force; all equipped in the best style of 
the times — and under the immediate command of Don 
Miguel de Noriega, who had for his lieutenant Tome 
Dominguez de Mendoza; and as sergeant-majors, Fer- 
nando Duran y Chavez and Juan Lucero Godoy. With 
them were no less than 1,000 native Indian in- 
fantry, armed with bows and arrows; and the whole 
provid'^d with full camp equipage — including 800 
horses, 300 mules, 36 wagons and carts containing 
provisions and munitions of war, and 6 small cannon. 
There was also, apparently for the comfort of the Com- 
mander-in-chief, a large carriage, a litter, and two hand- 
chairs; the whole forming a brilliant array, as it started 
full of ambition and high hopes on its long journey in 



182 



PENALOSA. 



search of the Quivira, and the rich kingdoms of the 
East. 

Accompanying Penalosa as chaplains to himself and 
the army, and as missionaries to the heathen who should 
be found, were the two Franciscan Fathers, Friar 
Miguel de Guevara, Guardian of the Convent of Santa 
Fe, and Friar Nicolas de Freytas above mentioned, 
Guardian of the Convent of San Yldefonso. The latter 
was the historian of the expedition, and has left us a 
most graphic account thereof, the only difficulty being 
that like many other narratives of that time, especially 
when written with a view to bring honors to the con- 
querors, or induce new expeditions to follow, the writer 
indulges so freely in superlatives and exaggerations that 
it is difficult to distinguish the exact facts. 

He tells us that the army marched for three full 
months in an easterly direction, over beautiful and fer- 
tile plains, so level that no mountain or hill was ever 
seen, and covered with immense herds of buffaloes, or 
cows of Cibola, which increased in number as they pro- 
ceeded. They crossed many very beautiful rivers and 
found fine meadow-lands and springs, as well as forests 
and abundance of fruit-trees of various kinds, including 
delicious plums and mulberries. Grape-vines abounded 
bearing great clusters of luscious fruit, even ex- 
ceeding that of Spain in flavor, and there was an in- 
finity of strawberries. Indeed, the great prairies trav- 
ersed are described as a kind of earthly paradise, of 
which the narrator says that neither in all the Indies 
of Peru and New Spain, nor in Europe, have any other 
such been seen, so pleasant and delightful; and that on 
the expedition were men from Europe, Asia, Africa, and 
America, and all with one voice declared that they had 
never seen so fertile, pleasant, and agreeable a country 
as that. 

Two hundred leagues (about 500 Ens^lish miles) they 
had thus travelled, always through these charming 



PENALOSA. 183 

plains, when they arrived at a great river called " Mis- 
chipi," where they met a large army of Indians of the 
Escanxaques Nation, about 3,000 in number, on the 
march to attack the nearest city of the Quivirans, who 
were the hereditary enemies of the Escanxaques. 
Penalosa entered into friendly relations with the Indians 
and the two armies marched on, side by side, up along 
the banks of the Mischipi, which flowed rapidly through 
fields so fertile that they produced in places two crops a 
year After one day's travel, the course of the river 
turned to the north, and in the evening 600 of the In- 
dians started out on a grand buffalo hunt, from which 
they returned in less than three hours, bringing one, 
two or three cow's-tongues each, as evidence of their suc- 
cess and the vast number of the animals on the plains. 

Four leagues above this point they came in sight of 
a great range of mountains which skirted the east side 
of the river, and soon after had their first view of the 
celebrated city of Quivira, the goal of their expedition, 
which they found situated on a beautiful prairie, on a 
branch of the Mischipi, which flowed from the moun- 
tains till it joined the main stream. Here without 
crossing the river, Penalosa encamped, and with great 
difficulty restrained the Escanxaques from pressing on 
to an immediate attack upon the city, which, since their 
alliance with the Spaniards, they felt to be within their 
power. 

Crowds of people in enormous numbers were seen in 
front of the city, and soon a deputation of seventy chiefs 
(caciques) came to visit the Spanish commander and 
welcome him to the country ; at the same time they 
evinced considerable uneasiness at finding him in com- 
pany with their inveterate enemies, the Escanxaques. 
Penalosa treated them with great consideration, making 
them presents of such things as pleased their fancy, and 
impressing upon them his desire for friendly intercourse, 
and the importance of such commerce to themselves. 



184 PENALOSA. 

He also endeavored to instill a first lesson in religion by 
causing an altar to be erected, the Salve and Litany to 
be sung, and other ceremonies performed. In return, 
they delivered presents of provisions of various kinds, 
and skins and furs in great abundance, saying that these 
were but an earnest of the hospitality they would show 
Avhen he should cross the river and enter their city on 
the next day. 

The Caciques then retired, with the exception of two, 
whom Penalosa induced to stay, that he might converse 
more fully with them regarding the country and its 
inhabitants. These chiefs gave a most inviting account 
of the land across the river, telling that the city of 
Quivira was so large that the end of it would require 
more than two days to reach, and that the country 
between the Mischipi and the range of mountains then 
in sight was well watered by numerous streams flow- 
ing from the hills to the river, on which were countless 
cities and towns of their nation, some being larger even 
than Quivira itself. They then went on to say that 
from the eastern slopes of the range ran other streams, 
which flowed into a very large salt-water lake, the ulti- 
mate extent of which they did not know (but which 
Friar Nicolas says, was doubtless the Atlantic Ocean), 
and that that country was even more thickly populated 
than the land of Quivira, and contained greater cities, 
the whole being ruled over by one mighty king ; and 
that perpetual war existed between the nation on the 
east of the mountain — called the Ahijaos — and their own. 
They also spoke of powerful nations to the north, and 
of another great lake, which was surrounded by splen- 
did cities. So interested was Penalosa in hearing of 
these magnificent fields for future enterprise and valor, 
that the conversation continued till midnight, when 
the Chiefs were conducted to a place to sleep. But 
they, fearful at their proximity to their Indian enemies, 
and, as the sequel proved, with a more correct idea of 



PENALOSA. 185 

their character than had Peiialosa himself, quickly 
e.scaped across the river,— and none too soon ; for before 
morning the Escanxaques, without disturbing the 
Spanish army, stealthily attacked the city, killing and 
burning as they went, and causing such consternation 
that the inhabitants fled, leaving not even one behind. 
As soon as this was discovered, and before dawn, Pena- 
losa pressed across with his army, anxious to save the 
city from pillage or conflagration. 

The chronicler describes Quivira as charmingly situ- 
ated on both banks of the eastern branch of the Mis- 
chipi, with streets of great length, and highways enter- 
ing at regular intervals from the surrounding country. 
The houses were generally circular, and two, three, and 
even four stories in height, the frame-work being of a 
very strong, solid, and knotty cane, and the roofs made 
most skillfully of straw. The Spanish army marched 
for two leagues through the town, without coming to 
its terminus, when the commander sent a company of 
twenty-five soldiers, under Francisco de Madrid, to 
explore further, but even they failed to find the end of 
this wonderful city ; but all could see that the country 
between the mountains and the river — the distance 
being six or seven leagues — was like a paradise for fer- 
tility and beauty. 

Then Don Diego, finding that all the inhabitants had 
fled, and not wishing at that time to undertake an expe- 
dition over the mountains, concluded to return ; but 
found himself confronted by a new danger, for the 
Escanxaques having been joined by a large body of their 
countrymen, so that they now amounted to 7,000, 
and exasperated at having been frustrated in their 
design to sack the city, and not recognizing their obli- 
gation towards their late allies, commenced hostilities ; 
and a fierce battle ensued, in which the Spaniards suf- 
fered largely, on account of the shower of arrows which 
assa,iled them, but finally by the display of great valor 



186 PENALOSA. 

and the "superiority of bullets over arrows," defeated 
their enemies with great slaughter, killing, we are told, 
more than 3,000 of them in three hours, and put- 
ting the remainder to flight. This battle occurred on 
the 11th of June, and then the expedition returned by 
the route which it had previously taken, to New Mexico. 

This is the story of the most chivalrous and ambitious 
of all the attempt to penetrate into the interior of the 
continent. What point was really reached is a matter 
not yet certainly determined. Scarcely a more interesting 
question exists in the early history of America than the 
exact location of this " Quivira," which was so famous in 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,and was the goal 
of so many hopes among the adventurous and ambitious 
cavaliers of that day. All that we can glean positivel}^ 
from this narrative of Friar Nicolas is that Penalosa 
proceeded easterly across the plains for three months, 
travelling about 500 miles without seeing a mountain, 
and then reached the right bank of a great river, running 
south-east ; that a day's journey farther up was a bend in 
the river, which above that ran directly south, and that 
about four leagues beyond, on the east side of the river, 
where an important branch came in from the mountains, 
was the city of Quivira, situated on both sides of the 
tributary stream ; and that a range of mountains ran 
from north-west to south-east about six or seven leagues 
from the river. The distance from Santa Fe would 
answer very well for a point either on the Arkansas or 
the Missouri, and both rivers have tributaries from the 
east, which would fill the description given of the branch 
on which Quivira was situated. But it is difficult to 
understand with regard to the range of mountains near 
the river to the eastward, unless it is considered to be a 
great exaggeration of the bluffs which separate the bot- 
tom-lands ia several places from the interior uplands. 

Tv/ice we have records of bands of Indians from 
Quivira coming to Santa Fe. Once in 1606, as already 



PENALOSA. 187 

narrated, a few years after Onate's expedition to their 
city, some 800 men of Quivira came to ask that Governor 
to aid them in repelling the fierce attacks of the Ayjaos, 
their enemies, across the range of mountains. They 
gave glowing descriptions of the riches of their adversa- 
ries, and the amount of gold to be found in their country ; 
probably heightened with the view of inducing the 
Spaniards to invade that country, and with a knowl- 
edge of the peculiar attractions of the precious metal to 
European adventurers. And again, in the latter part 
of 1662, very shortly after the return of Penalosa, there 
came across the plains to Santa Fe another expedition, 
consisting of more than 700 Quivirans, headed by a 
powerful chief, to bring thanks to the Spaniards for 
having defeated the Escanxaques ; and apparently with 
the same object as before, to give so highly colored an 
account of the land of the Ayjaos as to induce a Mexican 
expedition against them. These Quivirans were accom- 
panied by trains of dogs carrying furs and skins as a 
present ; and two of the Indians were left by the chief 
with Penalosa, in order to shoAv him a shorter route than 
he had before pursued, in case he would return to 
Quivira the next year. 

This shorter route seems to have been by Taos, as 
Freytas says that the Quivirans told them that the 
most direct road v/as by that town, and adds his own 
belief, that "the nine large towns which are seventy 
leagues from here, in a direct line from the Tahos towards 
the north, are the beginning of these unknown king- 
doms, and that from them the settled country 
continues, and further on the settlements become more 
numerous." This seems to lead conclusively to the 
opinion, that Quivira was farther north than any local- 
ity of the proper distance on the Arkansas, and points 
to the Missouri, as being the Mischipi of the narrative. 
Seales'^map of America, printedin ChurchilPs Voyages, 
accompanying the narrative of Dr. John Francis Gemelli 



188 PENALOSA. 

Careri's travels in New Spain (Vol. Ill, p. 480), puts 
the "Essanapes Country" north-east of the Missouri 
and Kansas, and even north of the supposed "Morte or 
Longue" River, much of which was really the Missouri. 
Taking every source of information into considera- 
tion, the conclusion would therefore be that Quivira 
was situated near the east bank of the Missouri River, 
somewhere between the present cities of St. Joseph and 
Council Bluffs, on an eastern branch, which may have 
been the Nodaway or the Nishabotony. It is almost 
certain that Penalosa could not have gone as far north 
as the Platte, or mention would have been made of so 
important a stream, unless, indeed, the Spaniards con- 
sidered the Platte the main stream, in which case the 
Missouri may have been the branch from the north-east, 
on which Quivira was situated, and the heights in the 
vicinity of Council Bluffs, the range of mountains seen 
in the distance. 

The subsequent history of Penalosa may be briefly 
stated. After returning from his expedition he engaged 
in erecting public buildings, and founding new towns; 
but he soon came, like his predecessor, into collision 
with the dictatorial agents of the Inquisition, and 
finally arrested the Commissary -General and impris- 
oned him for a week in the Palace at Santa Fe. As 
soon as he could arrange it, he returned to the City of 
Mexico in order to interest the Viceroy in a grand 
scheme of conquest to follow up his discoveries at Qui- 
vira; but the agents of the Inquisition followed him, 
had him arrested, and punished by imprisonment and 
fine. He then determined to proceed to Spain to get 
redress; but being carried to the Canary Islands, his 
only means of passage was in a vessel to England. 
There the Spanish ambassador regarded him with sus- 
picion — which was increased bj^his attempts to proceed 
to Spain by way of France. At length, apparently ex- 
asperated by lack of appreciation on the part of his 



PENALOSA. 



189 



own countrymen, he determined to apply to the French 
Government; and presented to it a proposition for the 
establishment of a colony at the mouth of the Rio 
Grande, and the conquest of a large district of coun- 
try, by expeditions from that point. Nothing came of 
it, however, and the Ex-Governor died at Paris in 1687. 
Had he succeeded in enlisting the interest which was 
necessary for a new expedition to, and conquest of, the 
regions of Quivira and the North-east, the history of 
the continent might have been materially changed; and 
the Mississippi Valley might have been peopled from 
Spain, instead of by the French and English. 




ClIArTEIi XII. 



THE REVOLUTION OF 1680. 

Tj^ROM the time of his first leadership in 1675, Pope 
-*- was untiring in his efforts to unite the whole na- 
tive population in a war of extermination against the 
Spaniards. He was a man of great ability and natural 
resources, thoroughly acquainted with the feelings ol 
his countrymen and the best methods of influencing 
them, and endowed with an eloquence which seldom 
failed to effect its purpose. He devoted himself to the 
work of arousing the people to resistance, and traversed 
the country from pueblo to pueblo to induce concert oi 
action and forgetfulness of local jealousies. Knowing 
their reverence for the supernatural, he claimed to be 
specially commissioned from heaven to drive the Span- 
iards from the land and restore the people to their an- 
cient peace and happiness; and at the same time he 
stated that he had aid from the lower regions as well, 
three spirits named Caidit, Tilim, and Tlesime, envel- 
oped in flames which shot from every extremity of 
their bodies, having appeared to him in the estufa 
at Taos, and given him counsel as to the revolution. 
Leading Indians from other nations and pueblos aided 
Pope in this work of preparation ; prominent among 
them being Catite, of the Queres nation, Jaca, of Taos, 
and Francisco, of San Yldefonso ; and he also had an 
efficient lieutenant in a neighbor of his own pueblo, 
named Tacu. The precise cause which led to the fix- 
ing of the time for the outbreak is a little obscure. 
The tradition which seems too universal not to be true 
tells us that the caving in of the shaft of a mine, in 
which a large number of Indians had been forced to 



REVOLUTION OF 1680. 191 

labor, and the consequent burjdng alive and destruction 
of many of them, was the '' last straw " which ex- 
hausted the long-tried patience of the natives, and pre- 
cipitated the revolt. 

Pope sent swift messengers to the pueblos conveying 
a rope made of the fibre of the Amole, in which were a 
number of knots corresponding to the days before the 
time fixed for the uprising, and bearing a message of 
invitation to join in the work, and of threatening to 
those who refused. Every effort was made to insure 
absolute secrecy, and a freedom from the treachery 
which had wrecked former attempts. Not a woman was 
entrusted with the secret, and a continued watch was 
maintained on every man suspected of being unfaithful. 
So determined were they to achieve success this time 
that Pope killed with his own hands his son-in-laAV, 
Nicolas Bua, Governor of the pueblo of San Juan, who 
had given cause for suspicion of his loyalty. The day 
appointed was August 10, 1680, and as it approached, 
the fullest preparations consistent with secrecy were 
made in all the pueblos. But all of these precautions 
were unsuccessful, for two days before the prearranged 
time, two Indians of Tesuque, whose nearness to the 
Capital made them specially intimate with the Span- 
iards, betrayed the entire plot to the Governor, Don 
Antonio Otermin. 

News of this treachery was immediately conveyed to 
the Pueblo leaders, and they determined that their only 
chance of success was in an immediate attack on the 
Spaniards, without waiting for the arrival of the day 
agreed on; and that very night in all the pueblos to 
which the news had reached, a simultaneous attack was 
made on the Christians and all were slaughtered without 
regard to age or sex, except a few girls, reserved for 
wives of the young braves. The wisdom of this decis- 
ion to anticipate the day selected was soon seen in the 
consternation of the Spanish authorities and people at 



192 REVOLUTION OF 1680. 

Santa Fe, who were entirely unprepared for the sudden 
uprising. The Governor took every measure possible 
for the defense of the city, and sent messengers to all 
the Spanish settlements, directing the people at the 
north to concentrate at the capital; and those at the 
south to gather at Isleta, which was to be fortified by 
the Lieutenant Governor. The Spaniards lost no time in 
seeking these places of safety, some succeeding in reach- 
ing them, but many others, being overtaken on the road 
or found at their houses before the news had reached 
them, were killed without mercy. The people of the 
northern villages, finding it dangerous to attempt to 
reach Santa Fe, collected at Santa Cruz, which they 
fortified as thoroughly as possible in the hope of resist- 
ing any attack, but on the 11th the Pueblos carried 
the town by storm and massacred all the people they 
could find, and then proceeded on the march toward 
Santa Fe. 

All the Indians in the Territory from Pecos to Moqui 
were thoroughly united in the revolution, and soon 
news came to the Governor that armies were concen- 
trating upon the capital from all directions. Spies 
sent to the Galisteo brought tidings of the approach of 
the Tafios Indians, while the Teguas with their Apache 
allies were marching from the north. Everj^thing 
possible was done by the Spaniards to provide for their 
defense. The houses in the outskirts were abandoned, all 
the people gathering in the plaza and the buildings 
which bordered upon it; the entrances to the plaza 
were fortified, the palace put into condition to stand a 
siege and all the citizens were supplied with arms and 
ammunition. It was perfectly understood that the war 
on the part of the Pueblos was one of extermination, 
so that the condition of the Christians was critical in the 
extreme. The natives were flushed with success and 
confident of victory. They declared that the God of 
the white man was dead, but that their God, the Sun, 



REVOLUTION OF 1680. ]93 

could not die. Religious feeling was a very strong ele- 
ment among the causes which led to the revolution, and 
a bitter hatred to the Christianity of the Spaniards was 
evinced in almost every act during the struggle. 

Scarcely were the hasty fortifications at Santa Fe 
completed, when the Tanos Indians were seen approach- 
ing from the south, coming so near as to occupy the 
abandoned houses in the suburbs. Governor Otermin 
wisely endeavored to treat with them before their allies 
from the north should appear, and so sent a deputation to 
confer with them, but without result. The Indians 
said that they had brought with them two crosses, one 
red and one white, signifying war and peace — that the 
Spaniards might take their choice ; but if they chose 
'' peace," they must immediately leave the country to 
its original possessors. Not being prepared for such an 
abandonment, and negotiation having failed, the Gov- 
ernor concluded to make an attack and endeavor to 
drive these enemies from the field before the others 
approached ; and accordingly, a vigorous sortie was made 
by the garrison. But it was met with equal gallantry 
by the Indians, and soon all the available Spaniards had 
to join in the battle, which was fiercely contested 
throughout the entire day. The native loss far ex- 
ceeded that of the Christians ; but their superior num- 
bers enabled them to hold their ground, and toward 
evening the appearance of the Teguan army on the hills 
to the north forced the Spaniards to return to their 
fortifications and prepare for the combined attack, to 
which they might now be subjected at any moment. 

The Indians, however, did not seem disposed to risk 
an open assault, but contented themselves with the 
safer and surer method of a regular siege. They cut 
off the water supply of the city, and invested it so 
closely as to produce great distress. The number of the 
Spaniards was upwards of 1,000, but they included 
men, women, and children, and the available force of 



19-i REVOLUTION OF 1680. 

fighting men did not reach 200, and was being daily re- 
duced from various causes ; while the armies of the 
Pueblos were continually increased b}^ the arrival of 
fresh parties from the various villages, until they 
amounted to nearly 3,000 men. The situation became 
more and more desperate as time passed, and finally a 
sortie was determined on as presenting the only chance 
of relief, and that only as being less dangerous than the 
sure destruction by continued siege. This was at- 
tempted on the morning of August 19th, and was so 
gallantly conducted that the lines of the enemy were 
broken, a large number slain, and no less than forty- 
seven taken prisoners, the Indians retiring to the east 
and north of the town. Both sides seem to have been 
equally determined in this conflict, as we are told that 
all the prisoners after a brief examination were executed 
in the Plaza. A hasty council of war was held, and 
after some discussion it was concluded that notwith- 
standing their temporary success, the safest course, con- 
sidering their reduced condition and the scarcity of pro- 
visions, was to evacuate the town while the road was 
open. No time was lost in carrying this determination 
into effect. Preparations were made during the night, 
and at day-break of the next day (August 21), they left 
the capital to its fate and commenced the long march 
toward the south. Not enough horses remained to 
carry even the sick and wounded ; so that all the in- 
habitants, including women and children, had to pro- 
ceed on foot, carrying such articles as they needed in 
bundles, like the pilgrims of old. Fortunately, they 
were not attacked or in any way molested, the Indians, 
who watched them from the adjacent hills, being entirely 
satisfied so long as the country was to be abandoned. 
They followed the retreating Spaniards at a distance for 
about seventy miles, to see that they continued their 
march towards Mexico, and then returned to enjoy the 
hoped-for fruits of their victory, in the peaceable occu- 



REVOLUTION OF 1680. 195 

pation of the country and the practice of the faith of 
their forefathers. 

At Alamillo the Governor met his adjutant, Pedro 
Leiva, with a re-inforcement of forty men, but contin- 
ued to travel down the river, hoping to find the 
Christians of the soutliern villages congregated at 
Isleta. In this, however, he was disappointed, as they 
had already marched, under the Lieutenant-Governor, 
to El Paso. All along the route the towns were deserted 
and laid waste, and all provisions, including standing 
corn, had been destroyed or carried away. This occa- 
sioned great distress, and finally the company became 
so enfeebled that it could proceed no further, and was 
forced to send south for assistance. Father Ayeta, of 
El Paso, responded with four wagon-loads of corn, and 
the Lieutenant-Governor with a portion of his own 
scanty store ; and thus, partially relieved, they contin- 
ued on, joining the company which had collected at 
Isleta, and finally making a winter encampment at 
San Lorenzo, about thirty miles north of El Paso, where 
there was abundant wood and water. Here they built 
rude houses, all, from the Governor to the small chil- 
dren, taking their parts in the work ; and remained till 
spring, losing a large portion of their number, who fled 
from the privations of the camp to seek an asylum in 
villages of Chihuahua and Sonora, and subsisting fre- 
quently on wild fruits, mesquite, beans, and mescal ; 
their wretchedness being enhanced by the constant fear 
of attack by neighboring Indians. 

The unfortunate priests, who were left in the midst 
of the Indians, met with horrible fates. Not one 
escaped martyrdom. At Zuni, three Franciscans had 
been stationed — Fathers Analiza, Espinosa, and Calsada. 
When the news of the Spanish retreat reached that 
town, the people dragged these priests from their cells, 
stripped and stoned them, and afterwards compelled the 
servant of Analiza to finish the work by shooting them. 
Having thus whetted their appetite for cruelty and ven- 



196 REVOLUTION OF ] GSO. 

geance, the Indians started to carry the news of their 
independence to Moqui, and signalized their arrival by 
the barbarous murder of the two missionaries who 
were living there, Padre Juan de Vallada and Brother 
Jesus de Lombarde. Their bodies were left unburied^ 
as a prey for the wild beasts. At Jemez, they indulged 
in every refinement of cruelty. The old priest, Jesus 
Morador, was seized in his bed at night, stripped naked 
and mounted on a hog, and thus paraded through the 
streets, while the crowd shouted and yelled around. 
Not satisfied w4th this, they then forced him to carry 
them as a beast would, crawling on his hands and feet, 
until, from repeated beating and the cruel tortures of 
sharp spurs, he fell dead in their midst. A similar chap- 
ter of horrors was enacted at Acoma, where the three 
priests. Fathers Maldonado, Figeroa, and Mora, were 
stripped, tied together with hair rope, and so driven 
through the streets, and finally stoned to death. So 
utterly did the mild nature of the Pueblo Indians ap- 
pear to have been changed in half a century ! and so 
terribly did the persecutions which the misdirected 
zeal of some of the ecclesiastics inaugurated, react on 
others, many of w^hom were men of great kindness and 
benevolence, and all of whom had shown marked self- 
sacrifice and zeal ! 

Thus ended the first act in the drama of a renewal of 
aboriginal control. About 100 Spaniards had been 
killed thus far during the conflict, and with them 
a number of christianized Indians Avho adhered to their 
new religion. The priests had been special objects of 
hatred to the revolutionists, and no less than eighteen 
of them had fallen a sacrifice. Of the Indians a far greater 
number had been killed, but the survivors had the sat- 
isfaction of seeing their object accomplished. Not a 
Christian remained free within the limits of New 
Mexico, and those who had been dominant a few months 
before were now wretched and half-starved fugitives, 
huddled together in the rude huts of San Lorenzo. 



CHAPTER XIIL 



THE PUEBLO GOVERNMENT — 1680 TO 1692. 

A S soon as the Spaniards had retreated from the 
-^ country, the Pueblo Indians gave themselves up 
for a time to rejoicing, and to the destruction of every- 
thing which could remind them of the Europeans, their 
religion, and their domination. The army which had 
besieged Santa Fe quickly entered that city, took pos- 
session of the palace as the seat of government, and com- 
menced the work of demolition. The churches and the 
monastery of the Franciscans were burned with all their 
contents, amid the almost frantic acclamations of the 
natives. The gorgeous vestments of the priests had been 
dragged out before the conflagration, and now were worn 
in derision by Indians, who rode through the streets at 
full speed, shouting for joy. The official documents and 
books in the palace were brought forth, and made fuel 
for a bonfire in the center of the plaza ; and here also 
they danced the cachina^ with all the accompanying relig- 
ious ceremonies of the olden time. Everything imag- 
inable was done to show their detestation of the Christain 
faith, and their determination utterly to eradicate 
even its memory. Those who had been baptized were 
washed with amole in the Rio Chiquito, in order to be 
cleansed from the infection of Christianity. All baptismal 
names were discarded, marriages celebrated by Christian 
priests were annulled, the very mention of the names 
Jesus and Mary was made an ofFense,and estufas were con- 
structed to take the place of the ruined churches. 

The chief authority was conferred on Pope, who had 
been. the leader throughout all the preparation for the 
revolution, and who now established himself at Santa 



198 1680 TO 1692. 

Fe. Believing that the next spring would see a renewed 
attempt to establish the Spanish power, with prudent 
foresight he endeavored to strengthen the bonds between 
the different Pueblo nations, and even to effect a per- 
manent alliance with the Apaches, by proposing 
marriages with that tribe. To attain these objects, and 
at the same time to aid in establishing the new order of 
things, he made a kind of royal progress through the 
whole territory, journeying on horseback from pueblo 
to pueblo, and everywhere receiving the highest honors. 
He was preceded by envoys to give notice of his ap- 
proach, and was generally accompanied by Catite, Jaca, 
and Cupavo, who had been his most faithful and 
active Lieutenants. His commands were implicitly 
obeyed, and for a time he possessed almost absolute 
authority; but as usual in cases of sudden elevation, 
his vanity and arrogance soon became almost insup- 
portable, and the Pueblos were forced to place limitations 
on the exercise of his power. His primary object dur- 
ing this grand tour appears to have been, as at Santa 
Fe, to obliterate all remembrance of the days of their 
thraldom, and to re-establish every ancient custom. The 
use of the Spanish language was strictly prohibited, 
even the planting of grains and seeds introduced by 
the invaders was forbidden; all churches and monas- 
teries were to be burned, and every crucifix, cross, pict- 
ure, or other article used in the Christian ceremonials, 
was to be absolutely destroyed. At the same time the 
mines in which the people had suffered such brutal 
slavery were to be filled up, and their very locations 
obliterated as far as possible. Pope still assumed to 
have supernatural assistance, and like other self-called 
prophets, promulgated from time to time communica- 
tions from the higher powers, as seemed desirable for the 
development of his purposes. He possessed much ad- 
ministrative ability, coupled with energy and tact, and 
even with the drawbacks presented by his occasional 



1680 TO 1692. 199 

selfishness and cruelty,was undoubtedly the best leader 
whom the natives possessed. For a short time, when 
incensed at some special instance of his tyranny, they 
substituted Cupavo for him in the seat of power, but 
were glad after a little experience to recall their old and 
tried leader. 

Meanwhile Governor Otermin had not been idle. As 
soon as the spring opened in 1681, he had commenced 
preparations for the reconquest of his dominion ; but it 
was not till fall that he received the special authorization 
required from the Viceroy of New Spain. Even then he 
encountered great difficulties from the scarcity of pro- 
visions and ammunition, and for lack of other armor, 
was finally compelled to protect his men with shields 
and other defenses made of ox-hide. At last, after much 
delay, he organized an army of about 1,000 soldiers, 
mostly cavalry, including all the able-bodied men who 
had been driven from their New Mexican homes, and 
who for greater efficiency left their families at San Lo- 
renzo. A number of friendly Indians also constituted a 
part of his force. When fully equipped, the army 
started on its march, on the 5th of November, and crossed 
the Rio Grande at the well-known ford, at Paso del 
Norte. They pushed on by rapid marches up the 
river, crossed the Jornada del Muerto, and on November 
27th arrived at a point opposite the village of Senecu, 
which was the most southerly of the Pueblo towns. A 
party was sent across the river to examine this place, 
and found it deserted and in ruins, with the appearance 
of having been captured in war and pillaged. The 
priests collected the few remains of church ornaments 
and crosses and burned them ; and the work of the de- 
struction of the town was then completed by fire. The 
next day the army passed the ruins of San Pascual, and 
on the succeeding one the Governor crossed the Rio 
Grande to visit the town of Our Lady of Succor, 
(Socorro). Tliis town was also deserted, and showed ev- 



200 1680 TO 1692. 

idences of having been taken by assault. The plaza 
was barricaded by a strong wall, many of the houses 
were half in ruins, and the images and crosses which 
had been concealed in the church were broken and de- 
stroyed. Though the town itself presented no attrac- 
tions, Otermin was charmed by its beautiful situation, 
and paid a special visit to the warm spring, now so well 
known, at the foot of the mountain. 

Thus the army marched up the valley, finding noth- 
ing but deserted villages and ruins, until they reached 
Isleta. Here there were a number of inhabitants, but 
they were surprised at the appearance of the Spaniards, 
and made very little resistance. When assembled in 
the plaza and questioned by the General, they denied 
having taken any part in the destruction of the church 
and sacred vessels, saying that that had been done by 
the army from the northern pueblos, which had come 
soon after the Spanish retreat, burned the church, and 
commanded every one to jeturn to the old religion. 
Otermin commanded crosses to be erected in the plaza 
and the houses, and a procession was then formed to 
meet Father Ayeta, the principal priest of the expedi- 
tion, who was now approaching. He came singing an 
anthem, to which the Indians responded; and the next 
day religious services were held in the plaza, at which 
the priest urged the people to return to Christianity, 
and granted them absolution for past offenses. A num- 
ber of children were then baptized, the first one being 
christened "Carlos," after the reigning King of Spain; 
the Governor himself standing as sponsor. At the con- 
clusion of the ceremonies, which lasted two days, Oter- 
min graciously pardoned the people for all crimes against 
the King; and the Indians, having thus received botli 
heavenly and earthly absolution, promised to remain 
good Christians and loyal subjects for the future. 

From this point the Governor dispatched Don Juan 
Dominguez de Mendoza, the general of ca^%alry, with 



1680 TO 1692. 201 

seventy Spaniards and a company of friendly Indians, 
to march in advance and reconnoitre the country to the 
north, while the main army remained for several days 
at Isleta recruiting its strength and endeavoring to 
collect grain and food from the surrounding country. It 
appeared that during the summer there had been a 
severe drought, which had destroyed most of the crops 
— especially in the north — so that great destitution and 
suffering prevailed. This had caused the abandonment 
of some of the pueblos, whose inhabitants had left their 
houses in search of food ; and was also the occasion of 
conflicts between the different nations and towns, each 
of which was endeavoring to procure a supply at the 
expense of its neighbor. All these circumstances con- 
duced to make the advance of the Spaniards much 
easier than it otherwise would have been, and caused 
them in some places to be hailed as deliverers, rather 
than resisted as enemies. 

Mendoza marched rapidly up the valley, but for a 
long distance found little save abandoned pueblos, the 
inhabitants of which had fled at his approach. This 
was the case at Sandia, Alameda, and Puara ; and also 
at San Felipe and Santo Domingo. In all the pueblos 
the churches and religious houses had been destroyed, 
and the images and ornaments broken or concealed ; 
while estufas had been constructed, and the Spaniards 
found many articles connected with the restoration of 
the heathen ceremonies of the natives. 

Passing Santo Domingo, Mendoza marched to Cochiti, 
and here for the first time encountered a considerable 
number of Indians. The}" had abandoned the pueblo 
apparently very hastily, but were seen in large force on 
the hills around. The Spaniards entered the town in 
the evening, and the next morning marched out to at- 
tack the enemy. The Indians also descended from the 
hills under command of Catite, sounding their war-cry, 
and apparently eager for the conflict. A conference 



202 1680 TO 1692. 

however was iirranged, the crafty Pueblo Chieftain ex- 
pressing a desire for peace; and finally it was agreed 
that the Indians should be pardoned for all past offenses, 
and return to their allegiance both to the Church and 
the King; and the officers embraced each other as a 
token of enduring friendship. That night however 
large re-inforcements were received by the natives, and 
in the morning their army again advanced, nearly 1,000 
strong, arranged in a semi-circle, with the apparent in- 
tent of surrounding and capturing the Spaniards. But 
again negotiation took the place of battle, and finally a 
treaty was concluded which was to be a protection, not 
only to the Indians there present, but to all connected 
with them who should return to their villages and 
abandon idolatry. 

The army under Catite embraced representatives of 
the three great nations, the Teguas, Taiios, and Queres, 
and of nearly all of the Pueblos, but time was asked by that 
Chieftain to bring together the Indians of Cochiti, Santo 
Domingo, and San Felipe, many of whom were still in 
the mountains; and other Caciques desired also to notify 
their respective pueblos of the return of peace, and have 
them more fully represented. It was arranged there- 
fore that at the end of two days there should be a great 
assemblage at which the Spanish authority should be 
formally recognized, and all the Indians again be re- 
ceived into the bosom of the Church. The native army 
then withdrew; but as it did not return at the ap- 
pointed time, Mendoza began to suspect some treachery, 
and soon after had his fears verified by the reports of 
spies, from which it appeared that at the time of the 
conference the snow had wet the bow-strings of the In- 
dians and so rendered them unserviceable, and that the 
delay asked for was in order to remedy this difficulty, 
and also to concentrate warriors near San Felipe, who 
might destroy the Spaniards on their downward march. 
On learning these facts Mendoza hastily broke camp 



1680 TO 1692. 203 

and returned to the main army, meeting the Governor 
near the Pueblo of Sandia. At this point Otermin had 
remained for several days, while a formal investigation 
was being made of the facts connected with the rebell- 
ion of the year before. 

Meanwhile the winter had commenced in earnest; 
snow was constantly falling, and the suffering of the 
soldiers was very severe. The pasturage in the vicinity 
was exhausted, and the store of provisions was alarm- 
ingly low. The Indians were constantly increasing in 
numbers by the arrival of fresh bands from the more 
distant pueblos, and a detachment on horseback, under 
Luis of Picuris, was scouring the country south of the 
Spanish camp. Under these circumstances a council 
of war was held, at which each military officer, and 
Father Ayeta, presented their views in writing; and 
while some favored an advance, and some an entire 
abandonment of the country, the compromise was de- 
cided upon of retiring to the friendly Pueblo of Isleta 
for winter-quarters. On arriving there, however, it was 
found that the troops were so exhausted, and the horses 
in such bad condition (less than one -seventh of the 
original number being fit for service), that the General 
determined to continue the march down the river to El 
Paso, in order to prepare fully for the campaign of the 
next year. Since they had left Isleta, six weeks before, 
over 100 of its inhabitants had deserted the town to join 
the Indian army; and the remainder, consisting of 385 
who had been christianized, begged to accompany the 
army to Mexico, as they feared to be left at their old 
home without protection. This request was granted; 
and after the desertion of the town it was burned, with 
all the stores that had been collected there, in order to 
prevent their being of service to the enemy. The army 
left Isleta on the day after New-year's, 1682, and arrived 
at El Paso after a laborious march of nine days; leaving 



204 1680 TO 1692. 

the territory for the second time to the sole occupancy 
of the native population. 

Otermin had expected to recruit his army during the 
spring and return to New Mexico before many months, 
but in this he was disappointed ; and hi« lack of suc- 
cess in the reduction of the country appears to have 
been so unsatisfactory to the Viceroy that he was re- 
moved from office and Don Bartolome de Estrada Ramirez 
appointed in his place. No record is to be found of any 
attempt, by this official, to take actual possession of his 
province, and probably after ascertaining the danger 
and difficulties of the position, he concluded to be satis- 
fied with the titular honor of the Governorship ; for a 
year afterwards, in 1684, Don Domingo Jironza Petriz 
de Cruzate was made Governor and Captain-General. 
Cruzate organized an expedition in the succeeding 
year to penetrate the country, and started from Paso 
del Norte, where the remainder of the old inhabitants 
of New Mexico were still living, for the march up the 
Rio Grande. He reached the Pueblo of Senecu (now 
abandoned, but then south of Socorro), and addressed 
the people, who were all assembled in the plaza, on their 
duties to God and the King, and also gave them some 
sanitary advice, as, for instance, that it was more 
healthful to sleep in the second story of the buildings. 
Nothing, however, was accomplished towards the re- 
conquest of the country during this year ; and although 
Cruzate made various attempts to effect that object, 
and in 1688 again entered the territory, with a consid- 
erable force, and no less than seventy Franciscan Friars, 
and on one expedition certainly marched as far as Zia, 
which he captured, yet he was always unsuccessful, and 
the Indians were left in almost undisturbed possession 
of the land. 

Far from employing this period, however, to consol- 
idate their strength or prepare to resist new invasion, 



1680 TO 1692. 



205 



scarcely were the Spaniards expelled, when dissensions 
arose between the various nations, and a state of war 
existed in one or another part of New Mexico during 
almost the entire period of the Pueblo control. The 
consequent interruptions to the planting of corn, and 
the frequent destruction of supplies during hostile in- 
vasion, caused much destitution and suffering ; and 
combined with the destruction of towns by siege or 
burning, led to the abandonment of a considerable 
number of the pueblos. In fact, the half century of 
Spanish control seems to have unfitted the natives for 
self-government, and the nations which had generally 
lived so prosperously and peacefully as neighbors, down 
to the coming of Coronado, now seemed determined to 
effect each other's destruction ; and thus prepared the 
way for an easy reconquest by the Spaniards. 




CHAPTER XIY. 



THE RECONQUEST BY VARGAS. 

CRUZATE having failed to take possession of the 
province with which he had been entrusted, the 
Viceroy of New Spain, in the spring of 1692, appointed 
Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan as Governor, with 
the avowed desire of having New Mexico reconquered 
as speedily as possible. Vargas was a man of great en- 
ergy and decision of character, and lost no time in pre- 
paring for the work before him. He left his home im- 
mediately for Paso del Norte, and although he was 
greatly disappointed at the amount of force which he 
was enabled to muster for the campaign, which barely 
amounted to 300 in all, including 100 friendly Indians, 
yet he determined to undertake the work without more 
delay, and commenced his march on the last day of 
August. He passed rapidly up the valley of the Rio 
Grande, finding nearly all the old pueblos in a half- 
ruined condition, but only stopping for necessary rest 
and sleep, as he decided to strike his blows before the 
enemy was prepared ; and in less than a fortnight (Sep- 
tember 12th) was in sight of Santa Fe. 

Meanwhile tlie Indians had been watching his move- 
ments, not knowing what point was first to be attacked, 
but as soon as it was evident that it was the capital, be- 
gan concentrating towards Santa Fe, and as Vargas ap- 
proached tlie city, he saw numerous companies from tlie 
adjacent pueblos hastening to its relief Early the next 
morning a battle commenced, which was waged with 
great determination for eleven hours, when at length 
the Pueblos gave way, and Vargas entered the city. 
This signal success had an important effect, forjudging, 



VARGAS. 207 

from the speed with which the capital was captured, 
that nothing was to be gained by resistance, twelve ad- 
jacent pueblos surrendered and were immediately oc- 
cupied. Vargas however well understood that with so 
small a force it would be impossible to hold so exten- 
sive a country, and wrote to the Viceroy from Santa Fe 
in the very height of his success, that in order to retain 
possession of the country, it would be necessary to es- 
tablish permanent garrisons ; " and to send less than 
500 families and 100 soldiers would be like throwing a 
grain of salt into the sea." 

The Governor however, did not wait for any re-in- 
forcements; but with characteristic energy, started al- 
most immediately for the Pueblo of Taos, which was 
considered the most determined in its opposition to 
Spanish rule. So rapid was his march that although 
a considerable halt was made near San Juan, in order 
to receive with proper ceremony the warriors of that 
pueblo, who were counted as allies, the army reached 
the Taos Valley on the third day (October 7th), and 
speedily surrounded the two great buildings. Not an 
Indian appeared; and on entering, they found that they 
were entirely deserted — the inhabitants having retired 
to a gorge in the adjacent mountains. Sending Luis 
(an influential, friendly Indian, of Picuris) in advance, 
Vargas succeeded in arranging a conference, and after 
a short time induced the Pueblos to return to their 
homes, promising loyalty to state and church ; the Gen- 
eral, on his part, agreeing to overlook the past, and pro- 
viding them with a priest, who absolved the whole com- 
munity, and then proceeded to receive into the church, 
by baptism, no less than ninety-six of their number. 
The Governor also succeeded in adjusting the feud ex- 
isting between Taos and the pueblos to the south ; and 
induced a number of the best of the young men to 
promise to join his standard in an expedition soon to 
be undertaken aorainst the Indians of Zuni. All this 



208 VARGAS. 

accomplished, Vargas returned to Santa Fe by the way 
of Picuris, and arrived on the loth; having been absent 
from the capital but eight days, and not losing a single 
man. 

No sooner had he returned, however, than with won- 
derful energy he prepared for another expedition, which 
was to be of a more extensive character. As he expected 
to be absent some time, he appointed Luis, of Picuris 
(whom we have heard of several times before, and who 
appears to have been a man of superior ability), as Gov- 
ernor of all the pueblos under Spanish control ; and ad- 
ministered to him the oath of office upon a cross, in 
presence of the chief men of the different towns In- 
tending to make his first visit to Pecos, and then pro- 
ceed westward, he dispatched part of his troops, with 
two pieces of artillery, to Santo Domingo, to await him 
there; and then, after remaining only three days in the 
capital, set out early on the morning of October 17th, 
and reached Pecos by 2 o'clock. Here the people were 
prepared to receive him very favorably ; and had erected 
a large cross and arches at the entrance of their town 
by way of greeting. They were absolved by the two 
priests (Fathers Corven and Barras) who accompanied 
the army, and 248 were baptized. The next morning 
Vargas, at the request of the people, appointed officers 
for the pueblo, and then left for the west; arriving at 
night at the ruined Pueblo of Galisfeo, which had been 
entirely abandoned. Three leagues farther on, the next 
day, they passed San Marcos, once a populous town, but 
now deserted; and toward evening came to Santo Do- 
mingo, where they found the other detachment. Here 
the Governor held a council with the caciques of a num- 
ber of the neighboring pueblos; who were then pre- 
sented with crosses, rosaries, and other gifts, and sent 
to their respective villages, with instructions to prepare 
to receive the army. On the 2 1 st he marched from Santo 
Domingo to Cochiti, where he met the inhabitants of 



VARGAS. 209 

that town, together with those of San Marcos and San 
Felipe, who had deserted their pueblos for fear of the 
other Indians, who had combined against them. They 
were assured of protection, and promised to return to 
their homes. 

From here, with a detachment of troops, Vargas pro- 
ceeded to Zia, where he found the old pueblo in the 
ruinous condition in which it had been left after its 
capture by Cruzate, the people having built a new town 
near by. Crosses and arches had been prepared, as at 
Pecos, and the people received him with acclamations. 
The Governor recommended that they should re-occupy 
the old pueblo, and gave them some steel axes to assist 
in the work; and then, after witnessing a grand dance, 
rode on to Jemez. Here, as at Zia, the old pueblo had 
been abandoned, and a new one established on an ele- 
vation three leagues beyond, where the position was 
almost impregnable, and had been rendered still 
stronger by the erection of thick walls and redoubts, 
the town being built around two plazas, each of which 
had only one narrow entrance. Although about 600 
warriors were in arms, and Vargas was in continual 
dread of an attack, no opposition was made to his ap- 
proach, and he was treated with great hospitality by 
the chiefs. In each village the same ceremonies of ab- 
solution were performed, followed by the baptism of 
large numbers of Indians. From Jemez the Governor 
marched to Santa Ana, and as this completed the pacifi- 
cation of all the country in the Rio Grande Valley, he 
sent a detachment of troops, with a number of citizens, 
to El Paso to bring back into the territory the families 
of the old residents which had so long been awaiting at 
that point the time when they could safely return. 

So rapid had been the movements of Vargas that 
much of the fall still remained for active operations, and 
he determined to visit the whole province if possible, 
before the end of the season. He set out therefore from 



210 VARGAS. 

Santa Ana on the 30th of October, with eighty-nine 
soldiers and thirty Indian scouts, and marched first to 
Isleta, which he found in ruins, with the exception of 
the church, and on the 3d of November reached Acoma. 
Here considerable time was occupied in sending mes- 
sages and holding councils, the inhabitants having been 
warned by their friends, the Navajoes, not to put any 
trust in the professions and promises of Vargas; and the 
Spaniards, on the other hand, being unable, if they so 
desired, to assault the town, on account of the great 
strength of its position. At length, however, the Gov- 
ernor succeeded in gaining the confidence of the natives. 
Vargas and the Pueblo chief, Mateo, publicly embraced 
each other, and a large cross was erected, and the usual 
absolution and general baptism took place. 

From here the Spaniards started on their arduous 
march across the desert to Zuni, sending in advance a 
messenger bearing a cross and a rosary, to explain their 
peaceful intentions ; and when near their journey's end, 
were met by twelve envoys, who brought messages of 
good-will and welcome from the chiefs of the pueblo. 
Vargas found the ascent of the mesa, on which the town 
was situated, so sharp that it could only be made on 
foot; but he was rewarded on reaching the summit by 
seeing the inhabitants assembled in the plaza to receive 
him with honor, and by no less than 294 presenting 
themselves for baptism. The Governor and priests were 
entertained by the chiefs of the pueblo in the most 
cordial manner, and were in every way gratified at their 
reception by this intelligent and powerful nation. 

Vargas was desirous of extending his expedition still 
farther west, to the Moqui country, and even beyond, 
where mines of cinnabar and red ochre were said to 
exist. He learned, however, that the Moqui chiefs were 
suspicious of his intentions, and had little confidence in 
the friendly letter he had dispatched to them from 
Jemez ; having been rendered distrustful by the reports 



VARGAS. 211 

of the same Navajoes who had similarly affected the 
people of Acoma. He therefore wrote a second letter, 
in which he stated that he had already pardoned them 
for their action in the rebellion, and asked them to meet 
him in a friendly spirit at their villages. Having 
allowed a little time for this message to have an effect, 
he started from Zuni with sixty-three soldiers and two 
priests, on November 15. The first of the pueblos 
reached was Aguatubi, five days distant, where the 
Spaniards were at first met with apparent hostility; 
700 or 800 Indians, well armed, surrounding the little 
band, and singing their war-songs. The tact of Vargas, 
however, extricated him from this difficulty, as it had 
from many previous dangers, and the chief named 
Miguel directed his people to lay aside their weapons 
and receive the Spaniards as brothers. It afterward 
appeared that when the letter of Vargas from Zuni was 
received at this pueblo, word was sent to the other 
towns of the Moqnis, Gualpi, Jongopabi, Monsonabi, 
and Oraybi, and a great council of the natives was held, 
at which a chief of Gualpi, named Antonio, was the 
leading spirit, and where it was determined to resist the 
Spanish invasion by every available means. Miguel 
claimed to have opposed this course of action, and 
urged that a friendly reception be accorded to Vargas, 
who had come a long distance on a mission of peace. 
The hostility at first manifested was attributable to the 
decision of that council, but afterward the more pacific 
policy of Miguel and his friends prevailed. Had the 
attitude of the Indians not been changed, it would 
certainly have been impossible for the Spaniards to have 
entered the town, as the passage was only sufficiently 
wide for one man to pass at a time, and it was well de- 
fended by fortifications. Even as it was, Vargas was 
continually fearful of treachery, and declined to enter 
the houses to eat, or even to encamp at night in the 
plaza; but nothing occurred to justify his apprehensions. 



212 VARGAS. 

The people erected the usual cross in the center of the 
plaza, 122 were baptized, and Vargas acted as sponsor 
for two children of Miguel, whom he confirmed in his 
authority as Governor of the pueblo. 

Leaving fifteen men in charge of the animals, the Gov- 
ernor with forty-five soldiers pressed on to Gualpi, the 
next town of the Moqui nation, where he was well re- 
ceived and entertained by the same Antonio whose feel- 
ings had been so hostile a few days before. Here and 
at Monsonabi and Jongopabi — in the former of which 
Pedro, the messenger who had been sent from Jemez, 
was found in the midst of the people in the plaza, hold- 
ing aloft a large cross — Vargas made the usual address 
explanatory of his peaceful intentions toward all who 
respect the authority of the King and the Church, and 
the people were absolved and baptized; nothing un- 
usual occurring to vary the ceremonies. The horses of 
the Spaniards were now nearly broken down from 
fatigue, and it appearing that the mines were on the 
other side of the Colorado River, whose deep cailon was 
almost impassable, Vargas determined to return to Zuni, 
having also to abandon his contemplated visit to 
Oraybe on account of the scarcity of water on the road. 
At Zuni he heard of a short route by which he could 
reach the Rio Grande near Socorro, and having deter- 
mined for some reason which is unexplained — and cer- 
tainly seems singular after his wonderfully successful 
and rapid pacification of the whole province— to march 
to El Paso instead of returning to Santa Fe, he availed 
himself of this information, and after travelling through 
a country covered with broken lava (malpais) and in- 
fested with wandering bands of Apaches, reached 
Socorro on the 9th of December. Soon after leaving 
Zuni he passed by the Moro, now known as the ''In- 
scription Rock," and there left a memorial, which is 
reproduced in Simpson's Report, plate seventy-one, and 
1 eads as follows : " Here served General Don Diego de 



VARGAS. 213 

Vargas in the conquest of Santa Fe and New Mexico, 
for the royal crown, at his own cost, 1692." From 
Socorro to El Paso the little army marched in a very 
leisurely way as compared with their previous rapid 
movements, arriving at the latter place on December 
20th, somewhat less than four months from the time of 
leaving it. During the progress of this expedition 
nearly every pueblo of importance had been visited; 
from Pecos in the extreme east to Moqui in the west, 
2,214 natives had-been baptized, and no less than seventy- 
four Spanish women and children, who had been cap- 
tives since the beginning of the revolution, w6re re- 
leased. 

The probable object of Vargas in proceeding to El 
Paso was to arrange for the immigration into New 
Mexico of a sufficient number of families to colonize it 
permanently, in accordance with the report which he 
made to the Viceroy soon after his arrival at Santa Fe. 
At all events, he proceeded to devote himself to the 
work of collecting a large number of families for that 
purpose ; the refugees from New Mexico, who had not 
yet set out on the return to their old home, being used 
as a nucleus. Much more time was thus occupied than 
had at first been expected, so that it was not until the 
11th of October, 1693, that the company was read}^ to 
commence its march. The whole number, including 
both colonists and escort, reached 1,500 persons, and 
they carried with them over 3,000 horses and mules. 
Each family had been supplied with a certain amount 
of money, generally from $10 to $40, to purchase sup- 
plies ; over $42,000 having been furnished to Vargas by 
the vice-regal authorities for that purpose. Don Juan 
Paes Hurtado, who was afterwards Governor of New 
Mexico at various times betw^een 1704 and 1735, was 
appointed to take charge of the immigration. This 
unwieldy company, consisting largely of women and 
children, slowly proceeded up the valley, suffering much 



214 VARGAS. 

from lack of sufficient supplies, and from the scarcity of 
water in certain parts of their route. It is said that at 
least thirty persons perished from these causes, and from 
exposure to the cold, to which they were unaccustomed. 
Vargas had hoped to find the Pueblo Indians in the 
same pacific and hospitable frame of mind in which he 
had left them, but such was far from the case. No 
sooner had the Spaniards left the country the year be- 
fore than the Governor's interpreter, Pedro de Tapia, 
began circulating a report that the moderation of Vargas 
was all assumed, and that he intended to return some 
day and order the execution of all the leading men who 
had taken part in the revolution. This idea spread 
rapidly, and soon to a great extent undid the good re- 
sults of the Governor's conciliatory policy. When the 
natives heard that he was again approaching, they 
feared that it was with a view to carry into effect the 
threatened punishment, and a great council was held at 
Santa Fe, at which the majority determined to resist 
his advance, and began making preparations to arm all 
of the natives for that purpose. Vargas learned of this 
condition of affairs from scouts whom he had sent out 
in advance, and in consequence marched with great cau- 
tion. It turned out, however, that in many of the 
pueblos there was a division of opinion on the subject, 
which prevented the prompt action that might have 
been fatal to the Spaniards, and greatly facilitated their 
march. The pueblos of Santa Ana, Zia, and Cochiti 
gave evidence of a friendly disposition and on the 1st 
of December, at Santo Domingo, Vargas met the Gov- 
ernors of Tesuque, San Lazaro, and San Yklefonso, to- 
gether with Don Luis, whom he had appointed to the 
chief government the year before, and contradicted the re- 
port of the interpreter in such a convincing manner as 
to renew their confidence, and Luis went on a mission to 
Santa Fe to procure provisions and endeavor to induce 
the inhabitants to allow the Spaniards to enter. On 



VARGAS. 215 

the evening of the Uth, Vargas, who had encamped at 
the Ranch of Roque Madrid, five miles south-west of the 
town, was met by a deputation including the Governors 
of Santa Fe and Tesuque, w^ho expressed the best of feel- 
ing, and in token of friendship brought a quantity of 
tortillas. They said that the story of the Interpreter 
had done much harm, but that the older men and 
women had never believed it. 

On the 16th the Spanish army marched into Santa 
Fe, bearing the same banner which had been carried by 
Onate when he entered the city just a century before. 
The occasion was one of much pomp and ceremony. The 
inhabitants were assembled in the plaza, the men on 
one side and the women on the other ; the soldiers 
opened ranks to allow the priests to pass through, the 
latter, in gorgeous vestments, saying the Te Deum and 
chanting the Litany ; and the Governor then delivered 
an address. When all was concluded the troops and 
immigrants were marched to the hill immediately north 
of the city, where a camp was prepared, and where they 
remained until Christmas day ; the Tanos Indians being 
left in possession of th*^ Palace, and the other natives, of 
the houses in the town. The weather meanwhile became 
very cold; men sent out for timber to repair the church 
of San Miguel were unable to work on account of the 
severity of the season, and the priests and the council 
asked permission to occupy houses in the city, instead of 
remaining in the camp. Vargas therefore directed the 
Tanos Indians to vacate the Palace and return to their 
pueblos on the Galisteo ; but this created a great com- 
motion, and on the 24th of December, at a council held by 
them, it was determined not to allow the Spaniards to 
enter the city. When Vargas heard of this, he prepared 
to make an assault, but waited for one day, in hopes that 
better counsels would prevail among the Pueblos. On 
the 26th, however, a fierce battle was waged during 
the whole dav. The defenses were strong and the place 



216 VARGAS. 

could only be taken by scaling the walls. The Indians 
fought vigorously with bows and arrows, and used boil- 
ing water to prevent an attack close to the walls. In the 
afternoon re-inforcements from other pueblos appeared, 
and only after successive cavalry charges were driven 
back. At night both sides, exhausted, were glad to 
have the conflict cease. But the Indians had suf- 
fered heavily ; ninety of their number were killed, and 
they were discouraged at the retreat of their allies. The 
next morning, therefore, no opposition was made to the 
entry of the Spaniards, and formal possession of the 
city was taken by the Governor. Four hundred women 
and children who were captured, were divided among the 
Spanish families in practical slavery. Seventy warriors 
were executed, and their property, consisting principally 
of corn and beans, confiscated. 

While the capture of the capital was a great blow to 
the hostile Pueblos, yet they did not yet despair of suc- 
cess. They camped on the surrounding hills, and at- 
tacked any parties who dared to go beyond the walls. 
The Spaniards were practically kept in a state of siege, 
ana what added to their difficulties as spring advanced, 
was the scarcity of provisions. This annoying and 
dangerous condition of things continued until Vargas 
determined to take the field and punish the Indians for 
their hostility. Starting therefore from Santa Fe in 
the beginning of March (1694), he marched directly to 
San Yldefonso, the high mesa north of which was the 
rendezvous of the northern Pueblos during periods of 
war. A terrible snow-storm forced him to seek shelter 
in the houses of the pueblo; but after three days he 
made an attack on the stronghold, when however the 
steepness of the ascent gave the defenders such an ad- 
vantage that the Spaniards had to retire. A few days 
afterwards he made a second attack, from both sides of 
the mesa at once, but was again unsuccessful; and then 
in turn the Indians attacked his force in the night-time. 



VARGAS. 217 

at the pueblo, but the positions now being reversed, they 
were compelled to retire. In all three conflicts the In- 
dian loss far exceeded that of the Spaniards, but the 
position on the mesa being practically impregnable 
while defended by such large numbers as now occupied 
it, Vargas finally concluded, on March 19th, to withdraw 
to Santa Fe, having been successful in one great object 
of his expedition, that of obtaining cattle and pro- 
visions. 

He had scarcely reached the capital, when a deputa- 
tion arrived from the friendly pueblos of Zia and Santa 
Ana, asking for assistance, as they were threatened with 
attack. Vargas persuaded them that the best assurance 
of safety was to defeat their enemies in the field, and 
was consequently joined by a considerable body of allies, 
with whom he again marched his little army to San 
Yldefonso, and this time, after an obstinate fight, suc- 
ceeded in gaining the heights, dispersing the Indians? 
and taking possession of the camp, with over 300 prison- 
ers, mostly women and children, and 900 sheep^ besides 
horses and mules. The sheep were turned over to the 
Indian allies, thirteen warriors who were taken were 
shot, and Vargas refused to give up the women and 
children until the leader of the natives, named Zepe, 
and his principal officers, were surrendered to him. 
Various skirmishes ensued, in which about half of the 
prisoners escaped, and then Vargas was obliged to hasten 
back to Santa Fe by news of an attack on that town, 
leaving Captain Roque Madrid in command of a de- 
tachment left at San Yldefonso. 

Planting-time had now come, and both Indians and 
Spaniards ceased hostilities for a space to attend to agri- 
culture, the lands around Santa F6 being apportioned 
among the soldiers for this purpose. Early in April the 
Governor visited Cochit to endeavor toi arrange that 
the people of the adjacent pueblos, at Santo Domingo, 
San Felipe, etc., should re-inhabit their old villages and 



218 VARGAS. 

plant their land, in which he was fairly successful, 
although his escort suffered somewhat from a night at- 
tack unexpectedly made on them while there. Nor did 
the Indians at all give up hopes of repossessing the 
capital, but made assaults on it from time to time, es- 
pecially when the Governor was away and the garrison 
weakened; two of these attacks being on April 19th and 
May 25th, respectively. They also returned to their 
stronghold at the mesa of San Yldefonso, and successive 
attempts of Vargas to dislodge them in May were un- 
successful. In the middle of June he again marched 
from Santa Fe to the mesa, but finding that the enemy's 
force was largely made up of Taos and Picuris Indians, 
he concluded to proceed directly to those pueblos in 
order to inflict chastisement. Both towns were found 
deserted, the inhabitants having fled to the mountains. 
Vargas commanded the people of Taos to return to 
their homes within a certain limited period, and ne- 
gotiations proceeded for some time between the Gov- 
ernor of Pecos, acting for the Spaniards, and Pacheco, the 
Governor of Taos ; but the Indians failing to return, the 
pueblo wa.s given up to pillage by the soldiers on July 
5th, and a considerable amount of corn secured. As a 
large body of the enemy had collected in the mountains 
to attack him on his march back to Santa Fe, Vargas 
returned through the country of the Utes, who were 
friendly with the Spaniards. The route led him to 
cross the Rio Grande near the Colorado, north of Taos, 
and then march to the OjoCaliente River, and down that 
stream and the Chama to the junction of the latter with 
the Rio Grande. At San Yldefonso he found so many 
Indians that he did not attack the mesa, but proceeded 
direct to Santa Fe, arriving on July 14th, after having 
marched 120 leagues in seventeen days. 

The river having fallen now, so as to make its cross- 
ing easy, the Governor without any delay started on an- 
other expedition to the west, to punish the Indians 



VARGAS. 219 

of Jemez for their attacks on the pueblos of Santa Ana 
and Zia, and to obtain corn for the people of Santa Fe. 
After crossing the Rio Grande, Vargas was joined by a 
large number of Indian allies, and with them marched 
rapidly to Jemez, where the old pueblo was found aban- 
doned, the people having moved to the top of an adja- 
cent hill, where they were building a new town. Here 
a fierce battle took place, the Spaniards with their allies 
assaulting the place, and the Jemez Indians defending 
it with great obstinacy. At length however they were 
overcome, nearly 100 being killed, and 370 women 
and children captured. While here the Governor Jiad a 
special search made for the burial-place of the priest, 
Juan de Jesus, who had been killed, as previously re- 
lated, at the opening of the rebellion ; and after some 
difficulty his remains were found and conveyed to Santa 
Fe, where they were re-interred in the parish church 
with much ceremony on the 11th of August, exactly 
fourteen years after his martyrdom at Jemez. Soon 
after this, peace was made with the remaining Indians 
of Jemez, the prisoners restored, and the pueblo rebuilt. 
This may be considered as the end^of the general and 
organized opposition to Spanish rule by the Pueblos, 
included in the period of the great rebellion, although 
some individual towns were not entirely reduced to sub- 
mission until a short time later. 

In 1696 a severe famine afflicted the territory, and 
especially the Spanish towns, being caused, as was 
alleged, by the cupidity of Governor Vargas, who re- 
tained for his own use a large proportion of the corn 
sent from Mexico for the support of the colonists ; and 
the Indians of fourteen Pueblos took advantage of the 
occasion again to rise and endeavor to expel their rulers. 
A desolating war ensued, which resulted in the destruc- 
tion or abandonment of many of the pueblos, and the 
death of at least 2,000 Indians, mostly from sickness 
and exposure. Others left their old homes and joined 



220 



VARGAS. 



the wandering tribes of the plains, rather than submi 
to Spanish civil and ecclesiastical rule ; so that the re- 
sult was a great diminution in the pueblo population 
and the number of their villages. The Spaniards, 
meanwhile, constantly increased in population, and the 
working in the mines, which had been so prolific a cause 
of suffering and discontent, not being renewed, the in- 
centive as well as the provocation to rebellion, to a large 
extent, ceased ; and the end of the seventeenth century 
saw the country entirely at rest. 




CHAPTEE XV. 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 

npHE eighteenth century was for New Mexico a season 
-■- of comparative quiet. The Pueblo Indians, demor- 
alized by divisions, and tired of revolts which never 
proved permanently successful, made no trouble during 
the entire period. With the wild tribes, however, 
there were almost continual hostilities. They made 
annual forays upon the more exposed settlements, 
carrying off the corn and vegetables, which were the 
results of a year of labor; or the cattle and sheep, 
which formed the principal property of the people. 
They frequently attacked the smaller villages — and 
sometimes, when in force, the larger ones; and many 
of the towns to^ay contain the ruins of the forts and 
torreons built for defense at such times. 

Through this century the Comanches were the most 
troublesome of these tribes; an almost constant warfare 
continuing between them and the Spaniards. While it 
consisted mainly of sudden incursions and unexpected 
attacks, after the manner of most Indian warfare, yet at 
times there were important battles between the Spanish 
troops and New Mexican volunteers on the one side and 
the united bands of Indians on the other. Such were 
the action at Green Horn, near the middle of the cent- 
ury, and that of El Rito Don Carlos in 1783. The 
most important and decisive of these battles was that 
fought at a place called Rabbit Ear two years later. The 
Comanches had just swept through part of the valley in 
the Rio Abajo, and made an attack on the town of Tome, 
one of the most important in Valencia County, from 
which they had carried off a number of animals and a 



222 EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 

quantity of goods, and made prisoners of two sisters of 
the Pino family, besides killing a number of citizens. 
Great indignation and excitement prevailed; and the 
territorial troops and volunteers quickly gathered to the 
number of 250, and under Lieutenant Guerrero, started 
in pursuit of the Indians. The latter were found hav- 
ing a grand council, accompanied by a war-dance around 
the scalps which they had taken as trophies of their 
success. They were immediately attacked, and a des- 
perate battle ensued for the space of three hours; when 
the Indians were forced to retreat, losing a large num- 
ber in killed and wounded, and all their booty and ani- 
mals, including their own horses. The prisoners were 
rescued amid the rejoicing of their old friends and neigh- 
bors. The Comanches, however, rallied after a short time, 
and in turn attacked the Mexicans, recovering most of 
their horses, and forcing the troops to retreat. They lost 
so many men, however, in these two battles, that they 
soon after agreed to a peace, and were not troublesome 
for a considerable time thereafter. 

During this century a long succession of Governors 
ruled in New Mexico, usually with the title of Governor 
and Captain-General ; with sometimes special additions. 
There is in most cases no record of the time of appoint- 
ment, so that the dates of their official terms have had 
to be obtained from various documents executed by 
their authority and found among the archives at Santa 
F6. In 1862 a list was prepared for the report of the 
Surveyor-General, John A. Clark, by the veteran Chief 
Clerk, David J. Miller, and from that and some other 
information of more recent date the succession can now 
b: presenter Avith substantial accuracy. Going back for 
a moment to the time of Vargas, we find that in 1695 
charges were presented against him by the civil authori- 
ties of Santa Fe, and the regiment stationed there, for 
peculation in using government funds and property 
for his own purposes. 



EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 223 

Gaspar de Sandoval ZerdaSilva y Mendoza. — This 
cavalier was probably appointed Governor pending the 
investigation, as he appears as such in 1695 and again 
in 1722. In 1697 Vargas was formally removed from 
office, and was succeeded by — 

Pedro Rodriguez Cubero. — His rule continued until 
1703, when Vargas was restored to power as Military 
Commandant of the Province, from which it would ap- 
pear that he must have been acquitted of the charges 
against him. 

The Duke of Albuquerque appears to have governed 
at certain times between 1703 and 1710. The town of 
Albuquerque is named after him. 

Juan Paez Hurtado was Lieutenant-Governor in 
1704; commissioned by the Marquis de la Penuela, the 
Viceroy, as Governor and Captain-General in 1712 ; and 
as Inspector-General in 1716. He was again Lieutenant- 
Governor in 1735, and in 1736 went on an expedition 
to the western country, as the following sentence on In- 
scription Rock near Zufii proves : " On the 14th day of 
•July, of the year 1736, Gen. Juan Paez Hurtado, Inspector, 
passed by this place,and in his company Corporal Joseph 
Armenta, Antonio Sandoval Martinez, Alonzo Barela, 
Marcos Duran, Francisco Barela, Luis Pacheco, Antonio 
de Salas, Roque Gomas. " 

Francisco Cuerbo y Valdez, Governor ad interim in 
1705, 1706, and 1707.— He was '' Knight of the Order of 
Santiago, official judge, royal treasurer, factor of the 
royal domain, treasurer of the city of Guadalajara, etc." 

Jose Chacon Medina Salazar y Villasenor, Marquis 
of Penuela, Governor from 1708 to 1712.— It was under 
his administration that the rebuilding of the church of 
San Miguel in Santa Fe, which had been destroyed in 
the Pueblo rebellion, was completed ; as appears from 
the carved viga, on which the inscription is as follows : 
"• El Senor Marquez de la Penuela hizo esta fabrica ; el 
Alferes Real Don Agustin Flores Vergara su criado. Ano 



224 EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 

de 1710."—" His Lordship, the Marquis de la Penuela, 
erected this building ; the Royal Ensign Don Augustin 
Flores Vorgara, his servant. A. D. 1710." At this 
period all the principal churches in the '* kingdom " were 
rebuilt, including man}^ that are now standing. The 
register of deaths, *' Libro de Difuntos," of the mission 
of San Diego, of Jemez, commences in August, 1720, when 
Francisco Carlos Joseph Delgado, " Preacher of the Holy 
Office of the Inquisition," was the priest in charge. 

The great church at Santa Cruz, which was the 
center of an enormous parish in the north, has records 
anterior to 1720 ; and its Register of Marriages, with a 
curious pen-picture of the marriage of the Blessed Virgin 
to Saint Joseph as a frontispiece, bears date 1726, the 
first part being written by Padre Predicador Fray Man- 
uel de Sopeiia. The baptismal register in the church at 
Albuquerque commences in 1743. Governor Penuela 
was an active official in many ways, and during his 
administration made three campaigns into the Navajo 
country, to subdue those Indians. He was afterwards 
Viceroy of New Spain. 

Fernando de Alencaster Noreno y Silva, Duke of 
Lenares, Marquis of Valdefuentes and of Govea, Count 
of Portoalegre, Grand Commander of the Order of San- 
tiago of Portugal, etc., was Governor in 1712. He was 
afterwards made Viceroy of New Spain, and held that 
office in 1714 and 1715. 

Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon was commissioned 
as Civil and Military Governor by Philip V., at Madrid, 
September 27, 1707, for five years, and qualified October 
9 ; but did not arrive in Mexico till long after, being 
recommissioned by the Viceroy, February 9, 1712, and 
installed in office in Santa Fe, October 5, 1712. His 
salary, as fixed by the King, was $2,000 per annum. 
He was accused of malfeasance in office, but the case did 
not come on for trial until after a delay of some years. 
By the King's command he was relieved from his posi- 



EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 225 

tion, October 5, 1715, after serving exactly three years. 
His trial was had at Santa Fe in 1721, long after he had 
left New Mexico; and his sentence was sent to the 
Viceroy for confirmation, the costs being adjudged 
against him. The officer charged with their collection 
reported that neither the accused nor any of his prop- 
erty could be found. 

Antonio Valverde Cossio was appointed Governor, 
ad interim, for a period in 1714, and again in 1718. 

Felix Martinez, was appointed by the Viceroy to 
succeed Governor Mogollon, and qualified at Santa Fe, 
December 1, 1715. In the succeeding year he led an ex- 
pedition to the western confines of the kingdom as far 
as the Moqui province, in order to bring those freedom- 
loving cities into subjection. On the north wall of the 
Inscription Rock, which is an invaluable historical 
tablet, appears the record of his passage, as follows : " In 
the year 1716, upon the 26th day of August, passed by 
this place Don Felix Martinez, Governor and Captain- 
General of this kingdom, for the purpose of reducing 
and uniting Moqui." On another part of the rock are 
the inscriptions of some of the companions of the Gov- 
ernor on this expedition, as follows : " Juan Garcia de 
laRevas, Chief Alcalde, and the first elected, of the town 
of Santa Fe, in the year 1716, on the 26th of August. 
By the hand of Bartolo Fernandez, Antonio Fernandez. " 
In 1719 an expedition under Villaza started from Santa 
Fe, guided by a Frenchman, and succeeded in reaching 
the banks of the Missouri River, opposite the towns of 
the Pawnees (called Pananas); but the Indians crossed 
in the night, surprised the Spaniards, killed the com- 
mander and guide, and also Father Juan Dominguez, 
the chaplain. 

Juan de Estrada y Austria, His Majesty's Resid- 
uary Judge, Acting-Governor and Captain-General, dur- 
ing the trial of Ex-Governor Mogollon, 1721 

Juan Domingo de Bustamante. — He was Governor 



226 EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 

for nearly or all the period from 1721 to 1731, and again 
in 1738. 

Gervacio Cruzat y Gongora was Governor from 
1731 to 1737. In the latter year the Bishop of Durango, 
whose diocese included New Mexico, made the first 
episcopal visitation ever had in the territory. He vis- 
ited all parts of New Mexico, going even as far west as 
Zuni, and left on the Inscription Rock the following 
memorial: ''On the 28th day of September, of the year 
1737, arrived at this place the Illustrious Don Martin 
de Liza Cochea, Bishop of Durango; and on the 29th 
left for Zuni." On this trip he was accompanied by the 
Batchelor Don Juan Ignacio de Arrasain, whose name 
appears on the rock, on the same date. 

Henrique de Olavide y Michelena. — 1738. 

Gaspar Domingo y Mendoza. — He was Governor 
from 1739 to 1743. 

Joaquin Codallos y Rebal was Governor from 1744 
to 1749, except in 1747 when— 

Francisco Huemes y Horcasitas was Governor ad in- 
terim. 

ToMAs Veles Cachupin was Governor for many 
years, embracing the periods from 1749 to 1754, and 
probably to 1758; from 1762 to 1767, and again in 1773. 

Manuel Portillo Urrisola appears to have been 
Governor for a short time in 1761, and — 

Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle was Acting- 
Governor in that year and 1762. He and his wife pre- 
sented to the Church the great carved stone Reredos 
now in the cathedral at Santa Fe, as appears from the 
inscription thereon. 

Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta held office several 
times, and was the last of the officials having the title 
of ** Captain-General." He was a Colonel in the Royal 
army, and Knight of the Order of Santiago; and was 
first Governor in 1759, then for a short term in 1762, 
when he was succeeded by Cachupin, and afterwards 
succeeded the latter in 1767, and held the position until 



EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 227 

1778, except a brief interval in 1773, when Cachupin 
again acted. 

Juan Bautista de Ansa was appointed as " Civil and 
Military Governor'' in 1780, and held office until 1787 
or 1788, when he was succeeded by — 

Fernando de la Concha, who held the position 
until 1794, and again for a short time in 1800. 

Fernando Chacon was appointed in 1794 and con- 
tinued in office for eleven years, until 1805, except an 
interval in 1800 and 1801. 

These breaks in official tenure, and the appearance 
of so many ad interim officials, is in a great measure ac- 
counted for by visits of the Governors to the City of 
Mexico, which at that period required a large amount of 
time. 

During all of this century. New Mexico was the 
extreme outpost of Mexican authority and colonization, 
receiving all its supplies of articles not produced at 
home, by the long routes from the south, through 
Durango and Chihuahua. The time was very shortly to 
come when by the opening of communication with the 
American States to the eastward, it was to become of 
itself a great point of trade and distribution for the 
northern portions of Mexico. 

In 1796 a census was taken by the Franciscan 
Fathers, which showed a population of 14,167 whites 
and 9,453 Indians — only the civilized Pueblos being 
enumerated. This is exclusive of the City of Santa Fe, 
which for some reason is omitted in the computation. 
In 1798 a similar census showed a slight increase, there 
being 15,031 whites and 9,732 Indians. These reports 
are signed by Father Francisco de Hezio, Custo. In 
1799 Governor Chacon made an official report of the last 
census, in accordance with a royal decree, making the 
population, including Santa Fe and its garrison — white, 
18,826; Pueblo, 9,732 ; or counting the jurisdiction of El 
Paso— white, 23,769 ; Indian, 10,369. This showed the 
population of Santa Fe to be at that time 3,795. 



CHAPTER XYL 



FROM 1800 TO 1846. 
A. — THE GOVERNORS. 

IN Chapter XV., on the Eighteenth Century, the line 
of Governors ended with Fernando Chacon, who re- 
mained in office till 1805. This list then continues as 
follows, — 

Joaquin del real Alencaster. — He was in office 
from 1805 to 1808. 

Jose Manrique. — He was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the 
army, and was Governor or Governor ad interim from 
1808 to 1814; and again for a short time in 1819. In 1811 
General Nemecio Salcedo, General of the Department, 
with head-quarters at Chihuahua, made certain orders 
respecting lands in New Mexico, which have led to his 
name being placed in some lists of Governors ; but he 
never seems to have had that or any other civil title, 
and the powers he exercised he probably assumed by 
virtue of his military authority. 

Alberto Maynez was the next executive, with the 
title of Civil and Military Governor. He served in 
1814 and 1815, and again in 1817. 

Pedro Maria de Allande succeeded to the title in 
1816, and again in 1818, after the second period of 
Maynez's authority. 

Facundo Melgares. — He was the last of the Spanish 
Governors, the revolution of 1821 being successful in 
establishing Mexican independence. By the law of May 
6, 1822, his term as Governor expired on the succeeding 
5th of July. It was Governor Melgares who, as Lieutenant, 
commanded the brilliant expedition into the Indian 



1800 TO 1846. 229 

Territory in 1806; and subsequently had charge of the 
escort of Pike, to Chihuahua, in 1807. During the year 
1821, from certain documents it appears that — 

Alejo Garcia Conde, Inspector-General, acted as 
Governor for a time, with the title of " Superior Politi- 
cal Chief of the four Internal Provinces." This was 
probably in the revolutionary days, before the arrange- 
ments under the Mexican regime became settled. 

Francisco Xavier Chavez was the first regular 
executive under Mexican authority. The title was now 
changed from Governor to " Political Chief." Governor 
Chavez succeeded Melgares on July 5, 1822, and was also 
Acting Civil Governor from June 17 to July 21, 1823. 

Antonio Viscara quickly succeeded Chavez in 1822, 
holding office but a short time ; but was again in power 
for a brief period, in 1828. 

Bartolome Baca was in authority in 1824, and until 
September 13, 1825, when he was succeeded by — 

Antonio Narbona, who held the office until May 20, 
1827. He was a Canadian. 

Manuel Armijo then obtained the position, holding 
it at this time but about a year, when — 

Jose Antonio Chavez succeeded, and held the office 
for three years, a long period in those days of rapid 
changes and short administrations. 

Santiago Abreu became Political Chief in 1831, and 
continued until some time in 1832. He and his two 
brothers, Ramon and Marcelino, all came from Mexico 
shortly before, and all were killed in the revolution of 
1837. Governor Abreu was Chief Justice down to the 
time of that revolution. 

Francisco Sarracino. — Political Chief, 1833 to May 
14, 1835, when- 

Mariano Chavez became Acting Jefe Politico for 
three months, until the arrival from Mexico of — 

Albino Perez, who served as Political Chief until 
the new Mexican constitution went into effect and New 



230 1800 TO 1846. 

Mexico was changed from a Territorj^ into a Department, 
and its executive from a Political Chief to a Governor. 
The new arrangement went into operation in May 1837, 
Perez being appointed the first Governor, and holding 
the position until he was cruelly murdered in the rev- 
olution of that year. During the insurrection, and 
while Gonzales was claiming to be governor, the legiti- 
mate authority was held by — 

Pedro Munoz, a Colonel in the army, as Acting-Gov- 
ernor, until the executive power was assumed b}- — 

Manuel Armijo, first as Commanding General, and 
after the execution of Gonzales in January 1838, as Gov- 
ernor. He was soon after regularly appointed to the 
latter office, and held it until January 1845, when he was 
suspended by the Inspector General. For a brief time 
in 1841— 

Antonio Sandoval appears as Acting-Governor ; and 
during the suspension of Armijo — 

Marl-vno Martinez de Lejanza was Acting-Governor 
from some time in 1844 to September 18, 1845, and — 

Jose Chavez from the latter date to December, when 
Armijo was elected to the executive office, and again 
assumed its duties. 

Manuel Armijo was the last Mexican Governor, 
holding the position until the American occupation. 

Juan Bautista Vigil y Alarid appears as Acting- 
Governor for a short time after Armijo's retreat, and as 
such delivered the capital to General Kearney, August 
18, 1846. 

B. — principal events. 

In 1805 a census was taken, the report of which 
signed by Governor Alencaster, under date of Nov. 20, 
1805, shows a population (exclusive of El Paso and its 
surroundings not now included in the territory), of 
Spaniards: Male, 10,390; female, 10,236; total, 20,626. 
Pueblo Indians : Male, 4,094 ; female, 4,078 ; total, 8,172. 
Total population, 28,798, exclusive of wild tribes. 



1800 TO 1846. 231 

The population of the Pueblo towns was as follows : 
Taos 508, Picuris 250, San Juan 194, Santa Clara 188, 
San Yldefonso 175, Nambe 143, Pojuaque 100, Tesuque 
131, Pecos 104, Cochiti 656, Santo Domingo 333, San 
Felipe 289, Sandia 314, Jemez 264, Zia 254, Santa Ana 
450, Isleta 419, Acoma 731, Laguna 940, Zuni 1,470, 
Abiquiu 134, Belem (so spelled) 107. From this it will 
be seen that though the aggregate number has not 
greatly varied in three-quarters of a century, yet con- 
siderable changes have taken place in particular 
pueblos. 

In the year 1806, during the same administration, 
much excitement was caused by the belief that an in- 
vasion from the United States was contemplated. 
Eumors of Burr's conspiracy had been received, at the 
same time that information came of the fitting out of 
government expeditions to exi3lore the territory newly 
acquired by the Americans by the purchase of Lou- 
isiana. In consequence of this. Lieutenant Facundo Mel- 
gares was sent with 600 men to descend Red River and 
make treaties with the Indian tribes to the eastward, a 
duty which he performed most admirably. Early in the 
next year, the expedition of Lieutenant Pike, which had 
been sent to explore the south-western United States 
territory, was found encamped by mistake on Mexican 
soil, and was brought in to Santa Fe. As this consti- 
tutes the first historical connection between the United 
States and New Mexico, a separate chapter has been de- 
voted to the subject. (See Chap. XVII). 

In 1810 came the first revolutionary attempt in 
Mexico, under Hidalgo, commencing at Dolores on 
September 16th, and ending with the execution of the 
great leader at Chihuahua, in the ensuing year. But 
New Mexico was so isolated by its geographical position 
that the stirring events to the south scarcely caused a 
ripple of excitement in the territory. In 1814 a con- 
spiracy against the authority of the Governor, Alberte 



232 1800 TO 1846. 

Maynez, was arranged by Dionicio Valdez and Antonio 
Armijo; but it was discovered before the plans were 
fully matured, or any active steps taken, and the pro- 
jectors were sentenced to ten years' imprisonment at the 
well known '' Trias Hacienda," at Encinillas, north ol 
Chihuahua. 

All through this period, down to the filial overthrow 
of the Navajoes long after the American occupation, 
there existed an almost constant condition of warfare 
with that powerful tribe. They made frequent incur- 
sions into the settlements — much as the Comanchcs did 
in the preceding century; and in turn armed expedi- 
tions were made into their country, with a view to their 
punishment and the destruction of their villages and 
property. The military reputation of Melgares was 
won in such expeditions, before he was sent to negotiate 
with the Pawnees in the east. They served as a school 
of military experience. Governor Vigil took part in no 
less than four of these campaigns, in 1823, 1833, 1836, and 
1838. The hostility of these Indians was intensified 
by instances of bad faith on the part of the whites. A 
notable case of this kind occurred in 1820, when a party 
of Navajo Indians came into the village of Jemez for the 
purpose of concluding a peace. They were received in 
a friendly manner, but after a short time the authorities 
of the town determined to put them to death; so the 
people were secretly arranged in position so as to sur- 
round them while they were unarmed, and cruelly killed 
them with clubs. Complaint of this outrage was made 
to the government, and the leaders were arrested ; but 
the cases dragged along until 1824, when they were all 
set at liberty. Ten years after, the principal perpetra- 
tors of this cruelty fell by the hands of other members 
of this same tribe, it seeming as if Providence would 
not allow the crime to pass without retribution. Gregg 
speaks of a similar outrage, which occurred at Cochiti. 

About the year 1830 the Navajoes were kept in very 



1800 TO 1846. 233 

good order for a time by the energy of Colonel Vizcarra, 
but after his departure no one arose capable of inspiring 
them with fear. The ordinary custom was for peace to 
be made in the spring, which permitted the sowing of 
grain to be done without danger ; but the fall was very 
likely to see a renewal of hostilities. An expedition 
organized in 1835, in which most of the leading men of 
the territory enlisted as volunteers, was surprised by 
an ambush in a narrow defile, and forced to retreat with 
some loss. The Apaches also made periodical raids into 
certain parts of the territory, and by attacks on frontier 
settlements prevented to a great extent the spread of 
population. They were more troublesome, however, in 
Chihuahua than in New Mexico. 

On the 28th day of September, 1821, Mexico declared 
its independence of the mother country, and shortly 
afterwards succeeded in making it a reality. This nec- 
essarily caused an entire change in the relations of New 
Mexico, which became a part of the new country — an 
empire under Iturbide, and a republic after his fall. 
One principle of the new government of Mexico was 
popular education ; and accordingly, in 1822, we find the 
first steps taken in the Territory towards the establish- 
ment of public schools. 

In 1824, Durango, Chihuahua, and New Mexico were 
united in constituting a State of the Mexican Union ; 
but this arrangement did not last for any great length 
of time. 

In 1828 the Mexican Congress passed a law expelling 
all native-born Spaniards (called Cachupines) from the 
republic. This of course affected a number in New 
Mexico, including several Franciscan Friars, who were 
all forced to leave, with the exception of two, named 
Albino and Castro, who were permitted to remain on 
account of their advanced age— and the payment of S500 
each ! It was not believed that any large proportion of 
this sum reached the official treasury. 



234 1800 TO 1846. 

In 1833 the Biishop of Durango made a visitation 
throughout New Mexico, and was received with great 
enthusiasm. Special preparations were made at all 
points for his reception; the roads and bridges on the 
route were repaired and decorated, and the houses decked 
with flags, colored cloths, and flowers, in profusion. He 
made quite a protracted stay in Santa Fe, and visited a 
number of towns in the territory. A year before, Padre 
Ortiz (Juan Felipe) had been appointed as Vicar-general 
of New Mexico. 

In 1835 the first newspaper enterprise was attempted 
— Padre Martinez, of Taos, issuing a paper, of the size 
of foolscap, entitled ^'El Crepusculo" (meaning "The 
Dawn "), weekly for about a month, when its particular 
mission being accomplished, and the number of its sub- 
scribers (about fifty) not justifying a continuance, it 
was abandoned. This was the only attempt at a news- 
paper while the territory was under Mexican control. 

In 1837 occurred the change in the general system 
of government throughout the republic, which meta- 
morphosed New Mexico from a Territory into a Depart- 
ment, and by its augmented taxation and other unpop- 
ular features led to an insurrection of large importance, 
and at the time, of very doubtful result. This was the 
first revolution, of any real moment, in a century and a 
half; for which reason it has appeared best to treat it 
briefly in a separate chapter. (See Chap. XIX.) 

Through many years, since the first passage across 
the plains in the early part of the century, the trafiic 
with the United States had been steadily increasing, 
until it had grown to very large proportions, and the 
goods thus brought to Santa Fe were distributed over a 
large part of northern Mexico. The importance of this 
business and the general interest attached to the history 
of the "Santa Fe Trail," has caused that subject also to 
have a separate chapter devoted to it. (See Chap. XVIII.) 
This intercourse between the valleys of the Mississippi 



1800 TO 1846. 235 

and the Rio Grande, naturally brought into New Mex- 
ico merchants and traders from the East, and they, 
together with trappers and hunters who gradually 
accumulated a competence and settled down near the 
scenes of their active life, constituted a population now 
generally known as the " Pioneers.'^ Their history 
should be separately written, and when their adventures 
and exploits are faithfully recorded, will be as interest- 
ing as the most fascinating romance. Many of the first 
of them to settle on the western border of the plains 
were of the parentage known as " St. Louis French ; " 
and hence come the French names which exist through- 
out the north of the Territory, whose existence would 
otherwise be a mystery. 

First among those thus to establish a business in 
New Mexico was Mr. Roubidoux, who settled at Taos in 
1822. Charles Beaubien came to the same town in 1827 
and a year later married the sister of Don Pedro Valdez. 
He was one of the grantees of the enormous " Beaubien 
and Miranda Grant," to which his son-in-law gave the 
name of the '' Maxwell Grant." His daughters married 
•respectively Lucien B. Maxwell, Jesus G. Abreu, Joseph 
Clouthier, and Frederick Miiller. Colonel Ceran St. 
Vrain, perhaps the most celebrated of south-western 
pioneers, lived for many years at Taos, and subsequently 
at Mora, where he owned a large mill, and where his 
grave now is. The Bents built "Bents' Fort" in 1829, 
and in 1832 Bent and St. Vrain commenced business at 
Taos. There Charles Bent married, and lived until his 
appointment as Governor, and violent death in 1847. 
Kit Carson first came from Missouri to Santa Fe in 
1826; afterwards going to Taos, where he studied Spanish 
with Kinkead, and through all the travels and vicissi- 
tudes of his after life, retained that as his home. 
Maxwell, on his " Home Ranch " on the Cimarron, lived 
like a feudal chief, dispensing a lavish hospitality, and 
literally '-lord of all he surveyed." He employed 500 



236 1800 TO 1846. 

men, had 1,000 horses, 10,000 cattle, and 40,000 sheep; 
and after the hardships of early frontier life, enjoyed 
leisure and profusion in his later days. The oldest 
living ''American" in Santa Fe for many years was 
James Conklin, who came in 1825, and died in June, 
1883. Samuel B. Watrous, now the father of the town 
of that name, arrived in 1835, and for a considerable 
time lived at the Placers. James Bonney, whose hos- 
pitality both Emory and Abert record, was the original 
settler at La Junta, in 1842, his house being the first 
one seen in 1846 for a distance of 775 miles in com- 
ing from the east. Peter Joseph, a native of the Azores, 
came to Taos in 1844, and established himself in bus- 
iness. 

In the year 1841 great excitement was produced by 
reports of the coming of an invading army from Texas, 
for the purpose of conquering the territory. George 
W. Kendall, the editor of the New Orleans " Pica;yune," 
who accompanied this expedition simply as a traveller, 
has left a very graphic account of its history in his 
" Santa Fe Expedition," published in 1844. According 
to his statement, it had no intention of making war ; 
it was believed in Texas, which claimed all the country 
east of the Rio Grande as part of her territory, that the 
majority of the New Mexican people were dissatisfied 
with the government of Mexico, and would gladly unite 
with the Texans, if not overawed by military power. 
The intention of the expedition, then, was to ascertain 
with regard to this feeling, and if the people so desired, 
to raise the "Lone Star" flag, and protect them against 
Mexican coercion ; but if there was no such popular feel- 
ing, then simply to endeavor to open a mercantile trade. 
The Mexican authorities, however, naturally regarded 
it as a direct invasion of their territory ; and terrible 
stories were circulated as to the ferocity of the Texans, 
who, it was said, would burn, slay, and destroy wherever 
they went. 



1800 TO 1846. 237 

The expedition set out from Austin on the 18th of 
June, 1841, under command of General McLeod; and 
consisted of 270 mounted volunteers, divided into 
six companies, of which one was of artillery and pro- 
vided with a brass six-pounder; and about fifty 
others, including commissioners, merchants, tourists, 
and servants. Their march was a very dangerous and 
arduous one, as it passed through a country entirely 
untravelled ; and of the rivers, deserts, ravines, and 
other obstacles to be encountered, those in the expedi- 
tion knew nothing. When a long distance out on the 
plains. Lieutenant Hull and four men were killed 
by the Caygua Indians ; and soon, on account of the diffi- 
culty in finding water, it was determined to divide the 
party. Captain Sutton, with eighty-seven soldiers and 
twelve civilians, being sent in advance on the best 
horses to find the nearest settlements and send word 
back to the remainder. They took rations for five days, 
but owing to their lack of knowledge of the country, 
and the time lost in trying to cross a very deep and 
perpendicular canon, it was thirteen before they met 
any human beings, when they fell in with a party of 
Mexicans returning from trading with the Indians, at 
a point in the vicinity of the present Fort Bascom. 
Near the Gallinas they found a sheep ranch, and for the 
first time in many days had enough food to eat. From 
here two of the party. Captain Lewis and Mr. Van 
Ness, who spoke Spanish, were sent ahead to confer 
with the authorities, and two merchants with Mr. Ken- 
dall accompanied them. At Anton Chico they found 
the people in a terrible conditionof fear and excitement, 
owing to the stories that had been circulated of Texan 
ferocity and cruelty ; and were informed that the whole 
country was in arms, and that they would no doubt be 
taken prisoners the next day and be shot. 

The following morning they proceeded through La 
Cuesta to San Miguel, and on the way were met bv 



238 1800 TO 1846. 

Damacio Salazar, with 100 roughly dressed but well 
mounted soldiers. In answer to his questions they told 
him that they were messengers from a large party 
behind, and desired to see the Governor. This seemed 
satisfactory, but at the first stop, having surrounded the 
party with his men, Salazar said that he must demand 
their arms, at the same time expressing regret at the 
necessity of carrying out his orders. These were given 
uj), and soon after Salazar said that his instructions were 
to take all papers and similar articles, and the party 
had to submit to being searched. Thus far the Mexican 
officer had expressed so much regret at liaving to incom- 
mode the travellers that they had not doul)ted his sincer- 
ity, but they were shocked a little later to see twelve 
men drawn up before them with the evident intent of 
shooting them then and there ; and'this would have been 
quickly accomplished but for the intervention of Don 
Gregorio Vigil, who stopped the bloody deed. The pris- 
oners — for such they now were — were then marched 
through La Cuesta and Puertocito to San Miguel, where 
they were confined in a room ; the women all along the 
route showing a kindness and sympathy in marked con- 
trast with the unnecessary cruelty of their captors. The 
next day on the road to Santa Fe, they met Governor 
Armijo, who directed them to be retaken to San Miguel. 
Here, from their little window, they saw two of their 
late companions shot for having attempted to escape 
after being taken ; and they soon after heard that through 
the treachery of one of their party, named Lewis, who 
had been used by Armijo to deceive the Texans, and on 
his assurance that they would be well treated and 
allowed to trade, but that the universal custom was for 
Santa F^ traders to give up their arms on entering the 
settlements and receive them when their business was 
done, the entire party had delivered up all their arms; 
and thereupon had been surrounded and treated as pris- 
oners. 



1800 TO 1846. 239 

On the 17th of October the whole Texan expedition 
were marched out of San Miguel, on the way to the 
City of Mexico, under a strong guard commanded by 
Salazar. The story of their sufferings and privations, 
of the numberless cruelties and persecutions inflicted by 
Salazar, who seems to have been a disgrace to the Mexi- 
can name; of the great contrast in their treatment when 
they were transferred at El Paso to the care of General 
J. M. Elias Gonzales, who put Salazar under arrest ; of 
the kindness and hospitality of this General " Elias " 
and Padre Ortiz, and of their long imprisonment in 
Mexico— is graphically told by Mr. Kendall, but cannot 
have further space here. The sequel to this history, in 
the attacks made during the next year on Mexican tra- 
^rs, will be found in the chapter on the Santa Fe Trail. 

In 1844 Governor Martinez issued a proclamation 
which is interesting as containing the last arrangement 
of civil divisions under the Mexican rule, and also as 
giving the estimated populations. It states that the 
Department of New Mexico is divided into three dis- 
tricts, to be called the Central, the North, and the 
South-east. The whole is divided into seven counties. 
The districts are as follows. — 

Central District— Qovmiie^ of Santa Fe, Santa Ana, and 
San Miguel del Bado, with populations of 12,500, 10 500 
and 18,800. ' 

North District.— Counties of Rio Arriba and Taos, with 
populations of 15,000 and 14,200. 

South-east Districl-Connties of Valencia and Bernalillo 
Populations 20,000 and 8,204. 

This gives the total population of the territory^as" 
99,204. The proclamation is dated June 17, 1844. 

Governor Martinez was a special friend of education. 
He sent a number of the most promising young men in 
the territory to Durango and the City of Mexico to re- 
ceive military educations; and established additional 
government schools in Santa Fe. 



240 1800 TO 1846. 

The news of the breaking out of hostilities between 
the United States and Mexico in May, 1846, naturally 
created a great excitement at Santa Fe ; the more so as 
all of New Mexico east of the Rio Grande was included 
in the territory in dispute, tlie ownership of which was 
the occasion of the war. Almost immediately thereafter 
news arrived that an expedition was being fitted out in 
Missouri for the invasion of New Mexico, so that it was 
certain that the territory would become the theatre of ac- 
tual warfare ; and this raised the excitement still higher. 

General Armijo was Governor, but for various rea- 
sons was unpopular with a large proportion of the in- 
fluential citizens ; and they distrusted his ability and 
that of his arm}^ to repel an invasion. An important 
private meeting of leading New Mexicans was therefore 
held to determine what steps should be taken in the 
emergency; and it was decided that the best course 
would be to organize a volunteer army composed in 
part of those who had experience in Indian wars, and 
were of most approved bravery. As commander they nat- 
urally turned to Don Manuel Chavez, of Santa Fe, who 
had acquired a high reputation as an Indian-fighter; and 
the other officers designated were Miguel E. Pino, 
Nicolas Pino, and Tomas C. de Baca, the latter from 
Peiia Blanca. A petition embodying this programme 
was presented to the Governor ; and Manuel Chavez 
assured him that if this plan were adopted, he could 
surely defeat the Americans, as they would be far from 
their base of supplies and unacquainted with the coun- 
try. Armijo appeared well pleased with the proposi- 
tion, but put off" a decision until the last moment, and 
then answered that he was confident of success with his 
dragoons. The result is known, and finds a place in the 
chapter on the "American Occupation;" but these 
facts are here mentioned because they were the founda- 
tion of subsequent erroneous charges against some of 
those who were the leaders in the movement. 



1800 TO 1846. 241 

C. — MINES AND MINING. 

At the time of the journey of Lieutenant Pike, in 
1807, as appears in the chapter on his expedition, but 
one mine was being worked in the territory ; to use 
his w^ords, " There are no mines known in the Province 
except one of copper, situated in a mountain on the 
west side of the Rio del Norte, in latitude 34°. It is 
worked, and produces 20,000 mule-loads of copper 
annually. It contains gold, but not quite sufficient to 
pay for its extraction." The locality named above 
would be directly west of Socorro, in the Magdalenas ; 
but it is very possible that the latitude given is wrong, 
and that the description refers to the Santa Rita mine, 
near Silver City. This was discovered in 1800 by 
Lieutenant Colonel Carrisco, through the aid of an 
Indian. In 1804 he sold it to Don Francisco Manuel 
Elguea, a w^ealthy merchant of Chihuahua, who at once 
commenced extensive developments, and found the 
metal of such fine quality that the whole product w^as 
contracted to the royal mint for coinage ; and was trans- 
ported to the City of Mexico by pack-mules and wagons — 
100 mules, carrying 300 pounds each, being constantly 
employed. 

The next discovery of importance was that in the 
district now called the " Old Placers." In 1828 a citizen 
of Sonora, who was herding some cattle in that vicinity, 
in following some animals that had strayed into the 
mountains, saw a stone which resembled those in the 
gold regions of his native State. A further examina- 
tion revealed particles of gold, and the news of the dis- 
covery occasioned much excitement. Many men flocked 
to the spot, and washing was carried on for a number 
of years, with what, under the circumstances, was good 
success. The appliances were of the rudest description, 
and the lack of water a great drawback. The winter 
season was the favorite time for operations, on account 
of the facilities afibrded for obtaining water from snow. 



242 1800 TO 1846. 

This was thrown into a sink and melted with hot 
stones. The washing was done in a round wooden bowl 
called '^ batea," about eighteen inches in diameter,which 
was filled with earth and then immersed in the pool, 
and constantly stirred until nothing was left but the 
heavy black sand and grains of gold. From 1832 to 
1835 the annual product was from $60,000 to $80,000 ; 
but then diminished somewhat, the poorest years not 
producing more than $30,000 or $40,000. 

Soon after the discovery of the Placers, a vein of gold 
ore was found on the property of Ortiz in the same 
vicinity; and in order to work it he formed a partnership 
with Lopez, a Spaniard, with some experience in min- 
ing. By the skill of the latter a considerable sum was 
realized, whereupon a feeling of jealousy arose, and the 
old decree which ordered the expulsion of all natives of 
Spain from Mexico, though long considered obsolete, 
was revived by the officials, who desired to obtain pos- 
session themselves, and Lopez was immediately ordered 
to the frontier, the vigilant officers assuring him that it 
was against their consciences " longer to connive at his 
residence so near the Capital, in contravention of the 
laws." A new company, including several officials, with 
Ortiz, then proceeded with the wealth-producing work ; 
but from lack of knowledge did not obtain a grain of 
gold. Subsequently an order was made prohibiting 
any but natives from working at the mines ; and thus 
foreign capital and energy were prevented from taking 
any part in the necessary development. The greater 
part of the work was done by poor men working on 
their own account, and satisfied if they could realize 
scanty wages. Each miner was allowed ten paces in all 
directions from his pit, as his '' claim," and no new- 
comer could interfere with the right thus acquired, 
unless the " tabor ^^ was abandoned for a specified time, 
when the ground again become open to location. The 
gold was mainly in dust, but occasionally large nuggets 



1800 TO 1846. 243 

were found, the most valuable being worth $3,400, al- 
though it was sold by its finder for $1,400. 

In 1839 the '' New Placers " were discovered a short 
distance to the south-west, and the miners speedily 
deserted their old "diggings" for the greater charms of 
the new ; and the little village of Tuerto rose into large 
importance as a business point. In 1845 this town 
contained twenty-two stores, transacting more business 
in the aggregate than the establishments of Santa Fe. 
At that time the annual "output" of both districts had 
reached $250,000, and as many as 2,000 men cong^-egated 
there to work in the winter. Machinery was introauced, 
but the lack of a sufficient supply of water prevented 
very extensive operations. At the time of the American 
occupation, Samuel B. Watrous, for whom the town of 
Watrous has since been named, and Richard Dallum, 
the first U. S. Marshal, were residents of the " Placers." 
The " Ramirez " mine is described as being at that time 
the most important in operation. Among other Placers 
which were discovered and worked before 1846,- were a 
number in the north, in the vicinity of Taos, and as far 
distant as Sangre de Cristo ; and G-regg speaks (1844) 
of some in the mountains, near Abiquiu. At that time 
no silver mines were in operation, though discoveries 
had been made near Manzano ; but the ore was con- 
sidered too refractory to be worked by the appliances at 
hand. Two years later, however. Lieutenant Abert tells 
of visiting Don Pedro Baca, at Manzano, and receiving 
some fine specimens of ore from mines of which his host 
had charge. Some discoveries had also been made of 
silver near Socorro. This may be said to be the sub- 
stance of the mining development as it existed when 
our history closes, showing how almost entirely that 
branch of industry had been abandoned since the 
Pueblo revolution, and giving but little earnest of the 
enormous proportions which it was to assume in the 
future. 



244 1800 TO 1846. 

I> — SANTA FE IN 1846. 

The following description of Santa Fe, as it appeared 
in 1846, is taken from the works of Cooke, Abert, Edwards, 
and Meline, and is of interest as showing the condition 
at that time of the Capital city : The city, though spread 
over a large extent, was thinl}^ inhabited, and with the 
exception of the buildings around the plaza, consisted 
of scattered houses surrounded by corn-fields. On one 
side of the plaza (which is about 350 feet square) stood 
the Palace, a long adobe building, one story high, with 
a portico formed by extending the roof some distance 
over the street, supported by the smooth trunks of trees. 
This portico extended in front of all the buildings front- 
ing the plaza. The Palace was the only building having 
glazed windows. At one end of it was the government 
printing-oflfice, and at the other the guard-house and 
prison. Fearful stories were connected with the prison; 
and Edwards says that he found, on examining the 
walls of the small rooms, locks of human hair stuffed 
into holes, with rude crosses drawn over them. 

Fronting the Palace, on the south side of the plaza, 
stood the remains of the Capilla de los Soldados, or mil- 
itary chapel, the real name of which was The Church 
of Our Lady of Light. It was said to have been the 
richest church in the Territory, but had not then been 
in use for a number of years, and the roof had fallen in, 
allowing the elements to complete the work of destruc- 
tion On each side of the altar was the remains of fine 
carving, and a weather-beaten picture above gave evi- 
dence of having been a beautiful painting. Over the 
door was a large oblong slab of freestone, elaborately 
carved, representing " Our Lady of Light " rescuing a 
human being from the jaws of Satan. A large tablet, 
beautifully executed in relief, stood behind the altar, 
representing various saints, with an inscription stating 
that it was erected by Governor Francisco Antonio 
Maria del Valle, and his wife, in 1761. 



ISOO TO 1846. 245 

The other sides of the square were occupied by the 
shops used by those engaged in the trade of the Santa 
Fe Trail. There were no trees in the center of the plaza, 
which was sim2:>ly an open square, dusty in the spring, 
and mudd}^ in the rainy season ; but on each side was 
an acequia, with a row of young cottonwoods. The 
houses were lighted by small grated windows, generally 
about a foot square ; but the dazzling whiteness of the 
walls made them sufficiently light. The church services 
were held in the Parroquia, or parochial church (now 
the cathedral), which had two towers or steeples, in 
which hung three or four bells. The music was fur- 
nished by a violin and a triangle. " The wall back of 
the altar was covered with innumerable mirrors, paint- 
ings, and bright-colored tapestry." 

During the month of November, 1846, a dramatic so- 
ciety was organized among the soldiers ; and Governor 
Bent having kindly given the use of the ball-room in 
the Palace, it was soon transformed into a theatre. The 
^' season " opened with Pizarro and Bombastes Furioso 
about the middle of the month, and continued until 
many of the troops were ordered South in December. 
On the night after Christmas, the Governor gave a grand 
ball in the Palace, to which the leading people of both 
nationalities were invited, and which was. considered 
one of the finest entertainments that Santa F6 had ever 
seen. 



CHAPTER X7IL 



THE EXPEDITION OF LIEUTENANT PIKE — 1806. 

VERY shortly after the acquisition of the vast terri- 
tory then embraced under the one name of Louis- 
iana from the French by the United States, the Govern- 
ment of the latter undertook the exploration of such 
portions of this immense domain as were then unknown, 
save to the aborigines. Captains Merri wether Lewis, 
and C. Clark were selected by the President to explore the 
then unvisited sources of the Missouri, and Lieutenant 
Zebulon Montgomery Pike, of the sixth infantry, to fol- 
low the Mississippi to its source ; both expeditions having 
to traverse unbroken wildernesses and encounter untold 
hardships and privations. The expedition of Lieutenant 
Pike occupied nearly nine months, extending from 
August 9, 1805, when he sailed from St. Louis, to the 
last day of April, 1806, when he returned. 

Soon after his arrival he was requested by General 
Wilkinson to take command of another expedition then 
being fitted out at St. Louis, the primary object of 
which was to conduct a number of Osage Indian cap- 
tives, and also a deputation of that tribe recently re- 
turned from Washington, up the Missouri and Osage 
Rivers to the Indian town of Grand Osage. The in- 
structions then provided that Lieutenant Pike should en- 
deavor to bring about a permanent peace between the 
Kansas and Osage nations; and afterwards to "establish 
a good understanding with the Yanctons, Tetaus, or 
Camanches," and finally " to ascertain the direction, ex- 
tent, and navigation of the Arkansaw and Red Rivers.'^ 
As to the possibility of meeting inhabitants of New 
Mexico, the instructions of the General were as follows: 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 247 

" As your interview with the Camanches will probably 
lead yon to the head branches of the Arkansaw and Red 
Rivers, you may find yourself approximated to the set- 
tlements of New Mexico, and there it will be necessary 
you should move with great circumspection to keep 
clear of any hunting or reconnoitering parties from that 
province and to prevent alarm or offense ; because the 
affairs of Spain and the United States appear to be on 
the point of amicable adjustment, and moreover it is 
the desire of the President to cultivate the friendship 
and harmonious intercourse of all the nations of the 
earth, and particularly our near neighbors, the Span-' 
iards." 

This expedition started from the landing at Belle 
Fontaine on July 15, 1806 — the party consisting of two 
lieutenants, one surgeon, one sergeant, two corporals, 
sixteen privates, and one interpreter. It had in charge 
fifty-one Indians, the most of whom were Osages who 
had been redeemed from captivity among the Potta- 
watomies, and were now to be returned to their own 
country. The surgeon was Dr. Robinson, who was a 
volunteer, giving his services as compensation for 
transportation and accommodation. Without dwelling 
on this expedition until it neared the Spanish bound- 
ary, it may be said that from August 20th to Sep- 
tember 1st, Lieutenant Pike remained at Grand Osage, 
holding councils with the chiefs of the Osage nation, 
and that on September 29th he held a grand council 
with the Pawnees at their principal village, not less 
than 400 warriors being present. 

At this point he saw the first evidences of the Span- 
ish expedition which had recently visited there from 
New Mexico. This expedition, which was the most 
important that ever penetrated to the eastward into the 
Indian country, at least in modern times, consisted of 
100 dragoons of the regular army drawn from 
Chihuahua, and 500 mounted militia of New Mexico, 



248 LIEUTENANT PIKE. 

all equipped with ammunition for six months, andeach 
man leading two horses and a mule, making the whole 
number of animals 2,075. The whole force was under 
the command of Don Facundo Melgares, a lieutenant in 
the Spanish army, a man of large wealth and liberal 
education, who had gained much distinction in previous 
expeditions against the Apaches and other hostile 
Indians. They descended the Red River 233 leagues, 
held councils there with the Chief of the Tetaus, and 
afterwards struck off north-east to the Arkansas River, 
and thence to the Pawnee nation, where they held a 
grand council, presented Spanish flags and medals, and 
also a commission to Characterish, the head chief, from 
the Governor of New Mexico (dated Santa Fe, June 15. 
1806), and finally returned to Santa Fe in October. 
When the distance travelled and the country and tribes 
passed through are considered, this expedition rivals 
those of Lewis and Clark, and Pike, for its extent, diffi- 
culty, and importance. 

After leaving the Pawnee capital, Lieutenant Pike 
proceeded westerly betw^een the Arkansas and the Kansas 
rivers, (always called in his narrative ^' Arkansaw " and 
*' Kans " ), seeing many prairie-dogs, which he calls 
Wishtonwishes from the sound of their cry, and of which 
he tells us almost the exact story afterwards repeated by 
Horace Greeley with a slight variation, of their living 
in the same hole with a rattlesnake, a horned frog, and 
a land tortoise. On the 28th of October, in accordance 
with instructions, he detached Lieutenant Wilkinson 
with five soldiers to make the trip down the Arkansas 
River in canoes, for the purpose of exploring its whole 
course to the Mississippi. On the 15th of November he 
came in sight of the Rocky Mountains, and soon after 
encountered almost constant snows, suff'ering great hard- 
ships — as the company had only summer cotton clothes— 
and on the 3d of December reached and calculated the 
altitude of the great mountain which bears his name 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 249 

to those who otherwise might never have heard of this 
intrepid explorer—" Pike's Peak." He mentions it as 
known to all the savage nations for hundreds of miles 
around, and spoken of with admiration by the Span- 
iards, being the bounds of their travels to the north- 
ward. Pike's measurement made it 10,581 feet above 
the level of the prairie, which he estimated at 8,000 feet, 
thus making the total elevation 18,581, whereas the 
latest estimates make it only 14,147 ; and he says that 
in all the wanderings of the party for over two months, 
from November 14th to January 27th, it was never out 
of their sight. 

The hardships endured during this period are almost 
beyond description ; the feet of the men became frosted 
so that they could only proceed with the utmost pain, 
and finally several had to be left in sheltered localities, 
and supplied with food from time to time by the re- 
mainder. The party subsisted entirely on the product 
of the chase, and sometimes for as long as three full 
days were without a mouthful to eat. In December the 
expedition determined to leave the valley of the Arkansas 
and proceed southerly, to strike the head-waters of the 
Red River, which they expected to find at that point. 
Soon after they met a stream which they followed east- 
ward slowly, on account of their wretched physical con- 
dition, and the necessity of stopping daily to hunt ; but 
imagine their feelings, almost of despair, when on 
January 5th they found that they had thus been led 
back to the Arkansas, and were at the camp which they 
had occupied nearly a month before ! Again they 
started southerly, in search of the Red River, determin- 
ing to cross the mountains before them on foot ; each of 
the party, including the commander himself and Dr. 
Robinson, carrying forty-five pounds of baggage, besides 
provisions and arms, making an aggregate of seventy 
pounds burden. At length, on the 30th of January, they 
arrived in the evening on the banks of a stream of some 



250 LIEUTENANT PIKE. 

magnitude, which they believed to be the long-looked- 
for Red River. Here they concluded to build a kind of 
stockade, where four or five might defend themselves 
while the others went back to carry assistance to the 
poor fellows who had necessarily been left at various 
points, on account of inability to travel ; the intention 
being, when all should be assembled, to proceed in 
canoes or on rafts down the Red River to Natchitoches, 
then the most westerly U. S. post in southern Louisiana. 
At this point Dr. Robinson, who had business in New 
Mexico, left the party in order to proceed to Santa Fe, 
which they calculated was then nearer than it would be 
from any other point. 

While most of the men were absent, in search of those 
left behind, and the remainder were at work building 
the fort. Pike himself usually employed himself in 
hunting; and on February 15th, while thus occupied 
with a single soldier, he discovered two horsemen near 
the summit of a hill, but half a mile distant. After 
much parleying they were induced to come to the camp, 
and proved to be a Spanish dragoon and a civilized 
Indian, both well armed. They reported that Robinson 
had arrived in Santa Fe, and been received with great 
kindness by the Governor. They seemed surprised at 
the appearance of the fort, but Pike informed them of 
his intention of going down the river to Natchitoches 
as soon as his party was prepared ; and at the same time 
said: that if the Governor of New Mexico would send an 
officer with an interpreter, it would be a pleasure to 
satisfy any doubts he might have as to the intentions of 
this American party in being so near his borders. The 
two visitors stated that they could reach Santa Fe in 
two days (which was not true), but never intimated that 
Pike was wrong in supposing himself on the banks of 
6he Red River. The building of the fort continued, and 
gradually the frozen men who had been left behind were 
brought in — with the exception of two still unable to 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 251 

walk. Of them Pike says, "they sent me some of the 
bones taken out of their feet, and conjured me by all 
that was sacred not to leave them to perish far from the 
civilized world." 

On the 26th of February the report of the guard's 
gun announced the appearance of strangers, and soon 
after two Frenchmen arrived. These informed Pike 
that Governor Alencaster, of New Mexico, had heard 
that the Ute Indians were about to attack the little ex- 
pedition, and therefore had sent an officer with fifty 
dragoons to protect them. Scarcely had this notifica- 
tion been received, when the Spanish party came in 
sight, consisting not only of the fifty dragoons but also 
fifty mounted militia of the province. Pike sent the 
Frenchman to arrange a meeting between himself and 
the commander of the troops, and then sallied forth to 
hold the interview on the prairie near the fort. The 
officers in command of the Spanish expedition were Don 
Ygnacio Saltelo and Don Bartolome Fernandez, both 
lieutenants. After some conversation. Pike invited 
them to enter his fortification and they breakfasted to- 
gether, after which the Spanish officers said that the 
Governor, having learned that Pike's party had lost its 
route, had sent them to offer all necessary assistance to 
reach the Red River, the nearest navigable point of 
which was eight days' journey from Santa Fe. " What," 
said Pike, interrupting him, " is not this the Red River ? " 
Imagine his amazement at the answer " No, sir ! it is 
the Rio del Norte." These words showed that he had 
unwittingly passed the frontiers of the United States, 
and actually erected a fort on Spanish soil, within the 
borders of New Mexico. His first act, on receiving this 
astonishing information, was to order his men to take 
down the American flag, which had been hoisted over 
the works. The Spanish commander then said that the 
Governor was anxious to see them at Santa Fe as soon 
as possible, and had provided 100 horses and mules to 



252 LIEUTENANT PIKE. 

take the party and their baggage to the capital. Pike 
at first refused to go until the detachment which he had 
sent under a sergeant to bring in the two men still ab- 
sent had returned ; but it was finally arranged that he 
should proceed with one of the lieutenants and half 
the Spanish force, leaving two men to meet the ser- 
geant's party on their return, to inform them of the 
changed aspect of affairs. Pike in telling of this event 
expresses the reluctance with which he abandoned the 
fort built with so much labor, and which w^as admirably 
situated for defense ; but finding that he had really, 
though unintentionally, trespassed on Spanish territory, 
and being confident that the officers sent had orders to 
bring him and his men to Santa Fe by force, if necessary, 
he thought it best to show an entire willingness to make 
an explanation to the Governor, rather than appear to 
go under constraint. 

Much discussion has taken place as to the exact lo- 
cality of Pike's Fort; but by a careful reading of his 
narrative it can be determined almost to a certainty. 
He first saw the Rio Grande from the top of a high hill, 
two days after his party struck a small river running 
west, which they hailed as a tributary to the Red River, 
and followed through what would now be called a caxon, 
along the foot of the White Mountains (Sierra Blanca). 
A glance at a modern map wdll show that the small 
river was the Sangre de Cristo; and the point from 
which the Rio Grande was first seen, near the site of 
Fort Garland. After reaching the Rio Grande they de- 
scended eighteen miles, where they found a large western 
branch emptying into the main stream. This must have 
been the present Conejos River. Five miles up this river, 
on the north bank, and with the water itself forming 
the defense on one side, was where he built his fort J 
which was so ingeniously constructed that it could only 
be entered by creeping through a hole, after passing a 
draw-bridge over the ditch. The description which 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 253 

Lieutenant Pike gives of the surrounding country is just 
such a burst of enthusiasm as we might expect from 
the first writer who ever attempted to tell the loveliness 
of the San Luis Park. " From a high hill south of our 
camp," he says, " we had a view of all the prairie and 
rivers to the north of us; it was at the same time one 
of the most sublime and beautiful inland prospects ever 
presented to the eyes of man. The prairie, lying nearly 
north and south, was probably sixty miles by forty-five. 
The main river, bursting out of the western mountain 
and meeting from the north-east a large branch which 
divides the chain of mountains, proceeds down the 
prairie, making many large and beautiful islands — one 
of which I judge contains 100,000 acres of land, all 
meadow- ground, covered with innumerable herds of 
deer. In short, this view combined the sublime and 
beautiful. The great and lofty mountains, covered w^ith 
eternal snows, seemed to surround the luxuriant vale, 
crowned with perennial flowers like a terrestrial para- 
dise shut out from the view of man." 

The description of the journey to Santa Fe shows 
the above to be the correct location of the fort. The 
first town of importance which they saw, was after a 
march of a little more than 100 miles, being the village 
of Warm Spring, or " L' Eau Chaud," as Pike calls it, or, 
as now known, Ojo Caliente. Here he found the first 
real Mexican houses which he had seen, and describes 
at some length the flat roofs, water-spouts, narrow doors, 
and small windows — some with mica lights. The springs 
he describes as two in number, about ten yards apart, 
each affording water enough for a mill, and the temper- 
ature of the water as more than thirty-three degrees 
above blood-heat. The next day they marched down 
Ojo Caliente River to its junction with the Chama 
(which he calls Conejos), observing on the way the well- 
known ruins of ancient pueblo towns, as well as several 
little inhabited villages, all of which had round towers 



254 LIEUTENANT PIKE. 

to defend the inhabitants from Indian incursions. 
Here they first experienced the characteristic hospi- 
tality of the Mexican people; who invited them into 
their houses, dressed the feet of the lads who had been 
frozen — and in short, to use the language of Pike, 
*' brought to my recollection the hospitality of the an- 
cient patriarchs, and caused me to sigh with regret at 
the corruption of that noble principle by the polish of 
modern ages." 

The same day they continued down the Chama to 
the Rio Grande and across to '^ the village of St. John's " 
(Pueblo of San Juan), which he says was the residence 
of the President Priest of the province, who had re- 
sided in it forty years. The house-tops were crowded 
when the party entered, just as they would be on a 
similar occasion to-day ; and all the officers and men 
were hospitably treated. The next morning they 
marched after breakfast, and in about six miles came to 
a village of 2,000 souls, and in seven miles further to a 
small town of 500 inhabitants. These places are not 
named by the narrator, but must be Santa Cruz and 
San Yldefonso. Seventeen miles further on they came 
to a Pueblo town (the Pueblos are always distinguished 
by Pike as "civilized Indians") containing 400 people. 
While the estimate of population is a good deal ex- 
aggerated, this is evidently Tesuque. Here they 
changed horses and prepared for their entry into the 
capitol and appearance before the Governor. The con- 
dition of Pike's party as to clothing was so lamentable 
as to be almost ludicrous. When they left their horses 
on the Arkansas, and commenced carrying everything 
on their backs, all articles were abandoned that were 
not essential to safety. Ammunition, tools, leather, etc., 
claimed the first places ; the ornamental was a minor 
consideration. So on arriving at Santa Fe the com- 
mander was dressed in blue trousers, moccasins (mock- 
insons) blanket, coat, and a cap made of scarlet cloth 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 255 

lined with fur skin; and the men, in leggings, breech- 
cloths, and leather coats — and not a hat in the whole 
company. In such garb they did not make a very im- 
posing appearance. 

They had left the fort on the Conejos, February 26th, 
and arrived at Santa Fe on the evening of Tuesday, 
March 3rd. Pike describes the length of the city on the 
creek as about a mile, and that it was about three 
streets in width. "Its appearance from a distance 
struck my mind with the same effect as a fleet of the 
flat-boats which are seen in the spring and fall seasons 
descending the Ohio. On the north side of the town is 
the square of soldiers' houses. The public square is in the 
center of the town, on the north side of which is situ- 
ated the palace or government house, with the quarters 
for the guards, etc. The other side of the square is oc- 
cupied by the clergy and public offices. In general 
the houses have a shed before the front, some of which 
have a flooring of brick; the consequence is that the 
streets are very narrow, say in general 25 feet. The 
supposed population is 4,500." In another description 
of Santa Fe, which Captain Pike included in the ap- 
pendix to his report, he gives a fuller description of the 
place and its surroundings, as follows : " In the center 
is the public square, one side of which forms the flank 
of the soldiers' square, which is closed and in some degree 
defended by round towers in the angles which flank the 
four curtains ; another side of the square is formed by 
the palace of the Governor, his guard-houses, etc. The 
third side is occupied by the priests and their suite, 
and the fourth by the chapetones who reside in the 
city." 

On entering the city, Lieutenant Pike was conducted 
to the palace, where he says, "we were ushered in 
through various rooms, the floors of which were cov- 
ered with skins of buffalo, bear, or some other animal. 
We waited in a chamber for some time until his Excel- 



256 LIEUTENANT PIKE. 

lenc}" appeared, wnen we arose, and the following con- 
versation took 2)lace in French, — 

Gov. Do you speak French ? 

Pike. Yes, sir. 

Gov. You come to reconnoitre our country, do you ? 

Pike. I marched to reconnoitre our OAvn. 

Gov. In what character are you ? 

Pike. In my proper character, an officer of the 
United States Army. 

Gov. How many men have you ? 

Pike. Fifteen. 

Gov. When did you leave St. Louis ? 

Pike. 15th of July. 

Gov. I think you marched m June. 

Pike. No, sir. 

Gov. Well, return with Mr. Bartholomew to his 
house, and come here again at seven o'clock, and bring 
your papers. 

" At the hour appointed we returned, when the Gov- 
ernor demanded my papers. I told him I understood 
my trunk was taken possession of by his guard. He ex- 
pressed his surprise, and immediately ordered it in; and 
also sent for one Solomon Colly, formerly a sergeant in 
our army, and one of the unfortunate company of Nolan. 
We were seated, when he ordered Colly to demand my 
name, to which I replied ; he then demanded in what 
province I was born. I answered in English, and then 
addressed his Excellency in French, and told him 
that I did not think it necessary to enter into such a 
catechising ; that if he would be at the pains of reading 
my commission from the United States, and my orders 
from my General, it would be all that I presumed would 
be necessary to convince his Excellency that I came 
with no hostile intentions towards the Spanish govern- 
ment ; on the contrary, that I had express instructions 
to guard against giving them offense or alarm, and that 
his Excellency would be convinced that myself and 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 257 

party were rather to be considered objects on which the 
so much celebrated generosity of the Spanish nation 
might be exercised, than proper subjects to occasion the 
opposite sentiments." He then requested to see my 
commission and orders, which I read to him in French; 
on which he got up and gave me his hand for the first 
time, and said he was happy to be acquainted with me 
as a man of honor and a gentleman, that I could retire 
this evening and take my trunk with me ; that on the 
morrow he would make further arrangements. 

The next day, after examining the contents of Pike's 
trunk, the Governor informed him that he must go 
with his men to Chihuahua, in the then province of 
Biscay, to appear before the Commandant-General. The 
following conversation then ensued, which Pike has 
preserved in full in his journal, — 

Pike. If we go to Chihuahua, we must be con- 
sidered as prisoners of war. 

Gov. By no means. 

Pike. You have already disarmed my men without 
my knowledge ; are their arms to be returned, or not ? 

Gov. They can receive them at any moment. 

Pike. But, sir, I cannot consent to be led 300 or 
400 leagues out of my route without its being by force 
of arms. 

Gov. I know you do not go voluntarily, but I will 
give you a certificate from under my hand of my having 
obliged you to march. 

Pike. I will address you a letter on the subject. 

Gov. You will dine with me to-day, and march 
afterwards to a village about six miles distant, escorted 
by Captain Antony D'Almansa, with a detachment of 
dragoons, who will accompany you to where the re- 
mainder of your escort is now waiting for you, under 
the command of the officer who commanded the expedi- 
tion to the Pawnees." 

After the dinner— which Captain Pike characterizes 



^58 LIEUTENANT PIKE. 

as '' rather splendid," having a variety of disiies, and 
wines of the southern provinces — the Governor drove 
Pike, D'Almansa, and a Mr. Bartholomew, who had 
proved a special friend to the Americans, three miles on 
the road to the south, the coach being attended l)y a 
guard of cavalry ; and on parting said to his prisoner- 
guest : "Remember Alencaster in peace or war." 

Accompanied by his friend Bartliolomew and the 
guard, Pike continued on through a blinding sand, and 
passed the night at the priest's house, at what appar- 
ently was the present village of La Bajada ; as he says 
that they '* came to a precipice which we descended, 
meeting with great difficulty from the obscurity of the 
night. " Shortly after noon of the next day they arrived 
at the Pueblo of Santo Domingo, which they describe 
as " a large village — the population being about 1,000 
natives, governed by its own chief" The insignia of 
the Governor appears to have been nearly the same then 
as at present, as it is stated that he was distinguished 
by " a cane with a silver head and black tassel." Pike 
visited the old church, and speaks enthusiasticall}^ of its 
rich paintings and the image of the Saint, " as large as 
life — elegantly ornamented with gold and silver." 

On Friday, March 6th, they arrived at San Felipe, 
where they crossed the Rio Grande on a bridge of eight 
arches, which seems to have attracted Pike's attention 
specially, as he gives a full description of its construc- 
tion. Here they stopped at the house of the padre, 
FeAher Rubi, whose hospitality and extended informa- 
tion made the stay a pleasant one. At Albuquerque 
they w^ere similarly entertained by Father Ambrosio 
Guerra, and Pike seems to have been particularly im- 
pressed with the beauty of some of the orphan girls, 
whom the good padre had adopted, and was bringing up 
in his household ; and enthusiastically writes, after de- 
scribing the dinner, " and to crown all, we were waited 
on by half a dozen of those beautiful girls, who, like 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 259 

Hebe at the feast of the gods, converted our wine to 
nectar, and with their ambrosial breath shed incense on 
our cups." 

A short distance further south Pike was rejoiced to 
meet Dr. Robinson, who had left the party, it will be 
recollected, while they still believed they were on the Red 
River, to find his way to Santa Fe. He had received much 
the same treatment as Lieuten't Pike's command,and was 
being conveyed to Chihuahua by Don Facundo Melgares, 
who was now also to assume command of the guard that 
was conducting Pike. This Melgares was the same who 
had commanded the Spanish Pawnee expedition, and 
was described by Robinson to Pike in the highest terms 
as a gentleman and soldier of gallantry and honor, 
praise in which Pike himself heartily joined after a 
brief acquaintance. 

After passing towns which the Lieutenant calls 
Tousac, St. Fernandez, Sabinez, and Xaxales,the expedi- 
tion reached Cebolleta, spelled by Pike " Sibilleta," 
which he calls the neatest and most symmetrical village 
he had seen, being built in a regular square, with an un- 
broken wall on the outside, all the doors and windows 
facing the square. At this point, at that time, the semi- 
annual caravan for the south was formed, leaving in the 
month of Febi'uary for El Paso, and returning in March ; 
and making a similar expedition in the fall. The spring 
caravan which Pike saw consisted of about 300 men, es- 
corted by an officer and 85 or 40 troops, and was con- 
ducting 15,000 sheep, which had been collected from 
various parts of New Mexico, and were to be sold or 
exchanged for merchandise. 

On the 21st of March the whole party arrived at El 
Paso, and Pike, with the officers, stayed at the house of 
Don Francisco Garcia, a wealthy merchant and planter, 
possessing 20,000 sheep and 1,000 cows. 

On April 2d they reached Chihuahua, and Pike im- 
mediately had an audience with the General Com- 



260 LIEUTENA^'T PIKE. 

manding, Don Nemecio Salcedo, who took his papers 
for examination, and also requested him to write a brief 
sketch of his travels and adventures on this expedition, 
which he shortly after did. 

After being detained for some time, which however 
was spent quite pleasantly, owing to the hospitality of 
many of the leading citizens, Pike and Robinson were 
sent by a route nearly directly eastward, toward Natch- 
itoches, which was the nearest United States post. On 
June 7th they arrived at San Antonio, where they were 
very hospitably treated by Governor Cordero, of Coahuila 
and Texas, and Governor Herrera, of the Kingdom 
of New Leon, who treated them, in the language of Pike, 
'^ like their children." 

Captain Pike speaks in the most exalted terms of 
both of these gentlemen, and relates the following anec- 
dote as evidence of the extreme popularity of the latter : 
"When his last term as Governor expired, he repaired 
immediately to Mexico attended by three hundred of the 
most respectable people of his government, who carried 
with them the sighs, tears, and prayers of thousands 
that he might be continued in that government. The 
Viceroy thought proper to accord to their wishes pro 
tempore^ and the King has since confirmed his nomination . 
When I saw him, he had been about one year absent, 
during which time the citizens of rank in Mont Elrey 
had not suffered a marriage or baptism to take place in 
any of their families, until their common father could 
be there to give joy to the occasion by his presence." 

At length, on the 1st of July, 1807 — but three weeks 
short of a year from the time of his departure from St. 
Louis — after crossing the whole of what is now the State 
of Texas, late in the afternoon, but so eager to arrive 
that they left their jaded horses and pressed forward on 
foot, Pike entered the town of Natchitoches with Dr. 
Robinson. '' Language," says he, ''cannot express the 
gaiety of my heart when I once more beheld the stand- 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 261 

ard of my country waved aloft. 'All hail/ cried I, ' the 
ever sacred name of country^ in which is embraced that 
of kindred, friends, and every other tie which is dear tc 
the soul of man ! ' " 

It will be interesting to make a few extracts from the 
description which Captain Pike gave of New Mexico in 
the " Observations " which form part of the appendix to 
the history of his expedition ; as showing the condition 
of the country at that period, in several respects in 
which time has wrought changes, and in other instances 
illustrating the characteristics which are still distin- 
guishing marks of the Territory and its people, — 

Mines, etc. — '' There are no mines known in the 
province, except one of copper, sicuated in a mountain 
on the west side of Rio del Norte, in latitude 34° north. 
It is worked, and produces twenty thousand mule-loads 
of copper annually. It also furnishes that article for 
the manufactories of nearly all the internal provinces. 
It contains gold, but not quite sufficient to pay for its 
extraction ; consequently it has not been pursued." 

The above extract sounds strangely at this day, when 
gold and silver are considered the chief resources of the 
Territory ; and it is also singular as showing how little 
knowledge or recollection there could have been in the 
community of the operations of the early conquerors, 
which had ceased a century and a quarter before. It is 
not easy to fix the identity of the copper mine referred 
to, but latitude 34° is just below Socorro, and so the mine 
may have been in the Magdalena Range ; although it 
is possible that the latitude given is incorrect, and that 
the mine referred to was the " Santa Rita," then being 
actively worked. This extract may be read in connec- 
tion with one soon to be given on trade and commerce, 
in which "wrought copper vessels" appear among the 
exports, and " gold and silver " among the imports. 

Minerals. — " There is, near Santa Fe, in some of the 
mountains, a stratum of talc, which is so large and flex- 



262 LIEUTENANT PIKE. 

ible as to render it capable of being subdivided into thin 
flakes, of which the greater proportion of the houses in 
Santa Fe, and all the villages to the north, have their 
window-lights made." 

These mica mines, especially at Petaca and in the 
vicinity of Mora (where one of the villages is called 
Talco), are well known at present. As lata as the time 
of the American occupation, in 1846, we are told that no 
house in Santa Fe, except the Palace, had windows of 
glass. 

Trade and Commerce. — " New Mexico carries on a 
trade direct with Mexico through Biscay (Chihuahua), 
also with Sonora and Sinaloa ; it sends out about 30,000 
sheep annually, tobacco, dressed deer and cabrie skins, 
some fur, buflido-robes, salt, and wrought copper vessels 
of a superior quality. It receives in return from Biscay 
and Mexico, drj^-goods, confectionery, arms, iron, steel, 
ammunition, and some choice European wines and 
liquors ; and from Sonora and Sinaloa gold, silver, and 
cheese. The following articles sell as stated (in this 
province), which will show the cheapness of provisions 
and the extreme dearness of imported goods : — 

Flour sells per hundred at $ 2 00 

Salt per mule-load 5 00 

Sheep each 1 00 

Beeves each 5 00 

Wine del Passo per barrel • 15 00 

Horses each 11 00 

Mules each 30 00 

Superfine cloths per yard 25 00 

Fine cloths per yard o... 20 00 

Linen per yard 4 00 

and all other dry-goods in proportion. 

" The journey from Santa Fe to Mexico and return- 
ing to Santa Fe takes five months. They manufacture 
rough leather, segars, a vast variety and quantity of 
potters' ware, cotton, some coarse woolen cloths, and 
blankets of a superior quality. All these manufactures 
are carried on by the civilized Indians, as the Spaniards 
think it more honorable to be agriculturists than 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 263 

mechanics. The Indians likewise far exceed their con^ 
querors in their genius for, and execution of, all mechan- 
ical operations. New Mexico has the exclusive right 
of cultivating tobacco." 

From this it will be seen that the manufacture of pot- 
tery, the evidences of which are found in great c^uantities 
in the ruins of the oldest pueblos, and which is still car- 
ried on to such an extent by the Pueblo Indians, was 
never intermitted by that industrious people. The 
blankets were probably the forerunners of the present 
celebrated productions of the Navajoes, which tribe is 
mentioned by Pike under the name of " Nanahaws." 
Then, as now, the Apaches were the most troublesome 
of the natives, as the " Observations " say, ''The Apaches 
are a nation of Indians who extend from the Black 
Mountains in New Mexico to the frontiers of Cogquilla 
(Coahuila), keeping the frontiers of these provinces in 
a continual state of alarm, and making it necessary to 
employ nearly 2,000 dragoons to escort the caravans, 
protect the villages, and revenge the attacks they are 
continually making." 

Government and Laws.— "The government of New 
Mexico may be termed military, in the pure sense of 
the word ; for although they have their alcaldes, or in- 
ferior officers, their judgments are subject to a reversion 
by the military commandants of districts. The whole 
male population are subject to military duty, without 
pay or emolument, and are obliged to find their own 
horses, arms, and provisions. The only thing furnished 
by the government is ammunition, and it is extraor- 
dinary with what subordination they act when they are 
turned out to do military duty ; a strong proof of which 
was exhibited in the expedition of Melgares to the 
Pawnees. His command consisted of 100 dragoons of 
the regular service and 500 drafts from the province. 
He had continued down the Red River until their pro. 
risious began to be short ; they then demanded of the 



2t)4 LIEUTENANT PIKE. 

lieutenant where he was bound and the intention of 
the expedition. To this he haughtily replied, ' where- 
ever his horse led him.' A few mornings after, he was 
presented with a petition, signed by 200 men of the 
militia, to return home. He halted immediately, and 
caused his dragoons to erect a gallows; then beat to 
arms ; the troops fell in, he separated the petitioners 
from the others, then took the man who had presented 
the petition, tied him up, and gave him fifty lashes, 
and threatened to put to death on the gallows erected 
any man who should dare to grumble. This effect- 
ually silenced them and quelled the rising spirit 
of sedition, but it was remarked that it was the first 
instance of a Spaniard receiving corporal nunishment 
ever known in the province 

In the following paragraph Captain Pike pays a 
warm tribute to the bravery of the New Mexicans, and 
makes a richly merited recognition of that generosity 
and hospitality for which they are everywhere noted, 
and which the lapse of three-quarters of a century has 
not lessened, but which form as noticeable a character- 
istic to-day as when the Captain wrote these words in 
1807. 

Manners, etc. — "There is nothing peculiarly charac- 
teristic in this province that will not ber embraced in my 
general observations on New Sixain, except that being 
frontier and cut off, as it were, from the more inhabited 
parts of the kingdom, together with their continual 
wars with some of the savage nations who surround 
them, render them the bravest and most hardy sub- 
jects in New Spain ; being generally armed, they know 
the use of them. Their want of gold and silver renders 
them laborious, in order that the productions of their 
labor may be the means of establishing the equilibrium 
between them and the other provinces where those 
metals abound. Their isolated and remote situation 
also causes them to exhibit in a superior degree the 



LIEUTENANT PIKE. 



265 



heaven like qualities of hospitality and kindness, in 
which they appear to endeavor to fulfill the injunction 
of the scripture, which enjoins us to feed the hungry, 
clothe the naked, and give comfort to the oppressed in 
spirit; and I shall always take pleasure in expressing 
my gratitude for their noble reception of myself and the 
men under my command." 



•:'Ti-'"Trr 




CHAPTER XVIII. 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 

THOUGH Mexico was settled early in the sixteenth 
century, and the Spaniards soon after penetrated 
over 1,500 miles to the north and occupied the valley of 
the Rio Grande as far as Taos and the Chama in north- 
ern New Mexico, and another colonization from En- 
gland and France had populated the eastern shores of 
what is now the United States and Canada early in the 
seventeenth century, and had extended westward to the 
Mississippi Valley, and was constantly pushing on further 
into the wilderness and advancing the pioneer line of 
its civilization toward the setting sun; yet strangely 
enough, it was left for the nineteenth century, in which 
we live, to see any communication whatever between 
these two populations, situated on the same continent, 
yet separated by mountains and rivers and by the great 
expanse of what was then believed to be desert plain. 

The French and Spaniards had successively been the 
rulers of the vast territory extending westward from the 
Mississippi to the limits of Mexico and the shores of 
the Pacific, and then all included under the name of 
Louisiana ; yet the people of neither of those nationali- 
ties had displayed the enterprise or spirit of adventure 
requisite for an attempt to cross the intervening space 
be ween themselves and New Mexico, and brave the 
hostility of the tribes which roamed over the plains 
between. 

It was not until after the acquisition of Louisiana 
by the United States that such a journey was accom- 
plished, or even attempted. In 1803 President Jefferson 
completed the negotiation for the purchase of Louisiana 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 267 

from the Emperor Napoleon, and the sovereignty of that 
vast domain was transferred from the French to the 
Americans. The chief city of the Mississippi Valley, 
in the newly acquired territory,w^as St. Louis ; the prin- 
cipal settlement on the easterly side of the river, within 
the old boundaries of the United States, was Kaskaskia. 
Each of these places claims the credit of sending the 
first adventurers across the plains to meet the tide of 
Spanish colonization coming from the south, at Santa 
Fe; and it is difficult to say which has the prior right. 
In both cases, however, the accomplishment was rather 
the result of accident than intention. 

In 1804 Mr. Morrison, an enterprising merchant of 
Kaskaskia, sent a man called Baptiste La Lande, whose 
name shows his French parentage, but who was born in 
Louisiana, to the head-waters of the Missouri and Platte, 
and furnished him with goods with which to trade with 
the Indians. Although the relative geographical posi- 
tion of places in that remote section was not well under 
stood, still the astute Kaskaskia merchant directed this 
La Lande, if it should be possible, to press on to Santa 
Fe. La Lande w^as evidently a man of energy, though 
we cannot admire some of his other qualities ; and suc- 
ceeded in reaching the Rocky Mountains, and finally in 
sending in some Indians to the Spanish borders, who 
gave a report of the arrival of this stranger from the far 
and almost unknown East. A party of Mexicans on 
horseback ventured into the mountains to meet him, 
and conveyed him and his goods into some of the north- 
ern settlements near Taos, from wdiere he travelled on 
to Santa Fe, selling his merchandise as he went. Pleased 
with the country, in which he obtained far higher prices 
than he had dreamed of elsewhere, and where the hos- 
pitable people offered him land and other inducements 
if he would stay ; and captivated by some of the bright- 
eyed brunettes of the city, he concluded to return no 
more, not even to account to Mr. Morrison for his goods ; 



268 THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 

and so, with the proceeds thus simply obtained, he set 
tied down in the capital of the province. 

Two years before La Lande left the banks of the 
Mississippi, James Purslcy, an enterprising Kentuckian, 
who was by turns a hunter, trapper, and trader, and a 
fair type of the pioneers of those early days, left St 
Louis on a hunting expedition to the head-waters of 
the Osage River, in what is now south-western Missouri, 
with two companions; and from thence with their pel- 
tries they started across the country to the White River, 
with the idea of descending that stream and the Missis- 
sippi to New Orleans. But they had scarcely set out 
when the Kansas Indians stole their horses. They 
started in pursuit and recognized the horses at the 
Indian village, but could not regain them. Shortly after, 
Pursley saw his own horse carrying a burly Indian 
outside of the town, going to a little stream for water. 
He pursued stealthily and killed the horse at the river 
bank ; whereupon the Indian rushed back to his wig- 
wam, brought out his gun and attempted to shoot the 
pioneer. But the weapon missed fire, and Pursley, turn- 
ing, chased the assailant into the center of the village, 
where the latter, apparently panic-stricken at the 
temerity of his pursuer, took refuge in the midst of the 
women and children, while the other Indians were so 
struck with admiration that they restored the remain- 
ing horses. 

Concluding to return to St. Louis, Pursley and his 
coinpanions were already sailing down the Missouri in 
a canoe, when they met a French trader bound to the 
Mandan country; and Pursley, always ready for advent- 
ure, left his companions and the prospect of home, and 
turned up the river in the employ of the Frenchman. 
The next spring he was sent with some goods in com- 
pany with several bands of Paducahs and Kyaways on a 
hunting and trading tour throup'h part of what is now 
Nebraska; but the party was driven by hostile Sioux 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 269 

into the mountains of Colorado, and travelled over the 
head-waters of the Platte and the Arkansas— a vast 
company of 2,000 souls, with 10,000 beasts of various 
kinds— until they reached the northern border of New 
Mexico. Wishing to ascertain whether the Spaniards 
would receive them in a friendly way and enter into 
trade, the Indians sent Pursley, with a small escort, to 
Santa Fe as a kind of ambassador. The Governor (Al- 
encaster) acceded to the request, and shortly afterward 
the whole band followed its advance-guard, and after 
some time spent in trading, set out on its return to the 
North. 

But Pursley, tired of life among the savages, and glad 
enough again to be in the midst of Europeans and their 
civilization, which he had feared he would never more 
enjoy, concluded to remain in Santa Fe. He arrived 
there in June, 1805— over three years after his departure 
from St. Louis— and settled down to the pursuit of his 
trade as a carpenter; at which, we are told, ''he made a 
great deal of money, except when working for the offi- 
cers, who paid him little or nothing." Here Pike found 
him in 1807, and had the celebrated conversation which 
has given to Pursley the fame not only of being the 
second (if not the first) who crossed the unknown coun- 
try which separated the United States from Mexico, but 
of being the first discoverer of the gold of Colorado- 
more than half a century before the discovery which 
brought so many thousands to Pike's Peak and the 
canons and mountains of the centennial State. '' He 
assured me," says Pike, "that he had found gold on the 
head of La Platte, and had carried some of the virgin 
mineral in his shot-pouch for months; but that be^ng 
in doubt whether he should ever again behold the civ- 
ilized world, and losing in his mind all the ideal value 
which mankind have stamped on that metal, he threw 
the sample away; that he had imprudently mentioned 
it to tne Spaniards, who had frequently solicited him to 



270 THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 

go and show a detachment of cavalry the place, but that 
conceiving it to be in United States territory, he had 
refused." 

How different would have been the history of this 
great section of the continent, had this patriotic pioneer 
pursued a different course ; and the mineral wealth of 
Colorado been poured south into Mexico in the begin- 
ning of the century, instead of waiting for fifty years for 
the Anglo-Saxon immigration from the east to redis- 
cover and profit by it ! 

These two adventurous traders may be called the 
Fathers of the Santa Fe Trail, although the route which 
they travelled was far from direct, and their final arrival 
in New Mexico more the result of chance than of any 
calculation. The latter at any rate had no intention 
whatever of visiting the Spanish dominion ; and the 
little that was known of the relative position of the dif- 
ferent parts of the continent is strongly illustrated by 
the fact that Lieutenant Pike, who was the next one to 
arrive at Santa Fe, and who had every advantage which 
instruments and the best maps of the period could give, 
and was actively engaged in an official exploring ex- 
pedition at the time, yet supposed himself on the waters 
of the Red River when he was really on the Rio Grande, 
and had not only crossed the boundary and trespassed 
on Spanish domain, but had actually built a fort and 
raised the United States flag on that foreign soil. His 
visit to Santa Fe in 1807 was rather involuntary than 
otherwise, yet from it flowed important results ; for the 
descriptions which he published of his travels on his 
return created much interest and some excitement 
throughout the West, and many of the adventurous 
sons of the border yearned to follow the path which led 
to the city whose very isolation gave it an air of ro- 
mance. 

The first expedition, however, of which we have any 
record, was undertaken in 1812 by a company of about 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 271 

a dozen enterprising men of St. Louis, who fitted out a 
party under command of Mr. McKnight, which followed 
nearly the route described by Captain Pike. They ar- 
rived after various hardships, in safety, at Santa Fe, but 
only to encounter unexpected troubles. Unfortunately, 
their appearance at the capital was exactly at the 
wrong time. The attempted revolution under Hidalgo 
had just been put down, and every American adventurer 
was looked upon with suspicion as a probable agent of 
some newly projected revolt. McKnight and his party 
found themselves arrested as spies, their merchandise, 
which had been transported with so much labor across 
the plains, seized and confiscated ; and they were them- 
selves soon sent to follow Pike to Chihuahua, in the 
prison of which city they languished in rigorous con- 
finement until the success of the republican movement 
under Iturbide brought their release. 

Almost simultaneously with their restoration to 
liberty, another adventurous spirit, an Ohio merchant 
named Glenn, arrived in Santa Fe with a little caravan, 
having come by what appears still to have been the 
only known route— into the mountains of the present 
Colorado, and thence down the Rio Grande. From this 
time the trips across the plains became more frequent. 
The profits made on American goods successfully trans- 
ported were immense, because the only other route by 
which they could be received was by the sea to Vera 
Cruz, across the country to the City of Mexico, thence 
over the long and difficult road to El Paso, and finally 
by the semi-annual caravans up the Rio Grande,and cross- 
ing the Jornada, to Santa Fe. As an illustration of the 
enormous prices which such a long, expensive, and 
perilous trip occasioned, we are told that common cali- 
coes and even plain domestic cottons sold as high as 
^2.00 or $3.00 per yard, on the plaza of the Capital. It 
is not strange that the reports of such profits should 
have stimulated enterprise, and caused the adventurous 



272 THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 

merchant to esteem the Santa Fe market-as better than 
a gold-field. 

In the same year, 1812, Captain Becknell, a Mis- 
sourian, who had made an expedition from Franklin to 
the Rocky Mountains, to trade with the Indians, con- 
cluded to seek the new Mecca of merchants to the south ; 
and found at Santa Fe a far better market than among 
the Comanches. Returning that winter with the fruits 
of his enterprise,and glowing accounts of the country he 
had visited, he raised a company of thirty friends, and 
with them and an assortment of goods which cost about 
S5,000, and was the largest venture of the kind yet made, 
started across the plains. Knowing from experience that 
the trail by the mountains of Colorado was a very cir- 
cuitous one, they determined to try a more direct route, 
and so branched off from the Arkansas River at the point 
called " the Caches," intending to march directly south- 
west to Santa Fe. But this daring enterprise came 
near costing them all their lives, for the unknown 
country into which they thus started as pioneers was 
utterly devoid of water. Their scanty supply was soon 
exhausted, and the horrors of thirst took possession of 
them. They killed their dogs and cut off the ears of 
their mules in order to endeavor to find a moment's 
relief by drinking the warm blood of the animals. 
Probably all would have perished, had not a buffalo, 
coming from a river whose nearness they had not sus- 
pected, appeared among them ; and the water in his 
stomach afforded relief which enabled them to reach 
the river itself. Even then they did not find the route 
since so well known as the ''Santa Fe Trail," for they 
passed to the north of the Raton range, and first reached 
the Spanish settlements at Taos 

Early in May, Colonel Cooper, a neighbor of Captain 
Becknell, had left Missouri, about fifteen being in the 
party, and by pursuing the better known route up the 
Arkansas, had successfully made the journey. Down to 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 273 

this time, and indeed until 1824, all of the expeditions 
were on mule-back, and of course the amount of goods 
that could be transported was comparatively inconsider- 
able; but in the latter year a new departure was made 
by the employment of vehicles. The caravan which 
then started consisted of twent3^-five wagons of different 
kinds, the largest part being what were then called 
"Dearborn carriages," besides a number of the pack- 
mules which had usually been employed; and their suc- 
cess in making the trip, which presented fewer diffi- 
culties than had been anticipated, gave a great impetus 
to the Santa Fe trade. The original cost of the goods 
brought by this caravan was 825,000 to $30,000. 

Thus far the occasional passing of a few adventurers 
had apparently not been noticed by the Indians, or 
rather, the first traversers of the plains traded almost as 
much for skins and furs with the Indians as with Span- 
iards, and took pains to keep on good terms with them. 
But as the traffic increased, among the men employed 
were many of the reckless and unprincipled, who seemed 
to regard neither the keeping of faith with an Indian, 
nor even the taking of his life, as of any importance. 
To use the language of .Joseph Gregg, who spoke from 
long personal exj^erience, " Many seemed to forget the 
wholesome precept, that they should not be savages 
themselves because they dealt with savages. Instead 
of cultivating friendly feelings with those who remained 
23eaceful and honest, there was an occasional one always 
disposed to kill, even in cold blood, every Indian that 
fell into their power.'' 

As the amount carried to the East by traders in- 
creased, troubles with bands of Indian thieves and ma- 
rauders became alarmingly frequent and grew more and 
more serious. The first difficulty of this kind was ex- 
perienced by a small party returning from a trading 
trip in 1826. They were encamped on the Cimarron, and 
very foolishly had Init four guns among the twelve 



274 THE SANTA FE TRAII.. 

persons wlio conij^rised it. A sni;ill party of Arrapahoes 
approached in a friendly way, but seeing the weakness of 
the trading party, went away for a short time and 
returned thirty strong. Their chief then told the 
Americans that his men needed horses, as they had 
none ; and the traders, hoping to satisfy them, gave them 
one apiece. Then the Indians' demand increased to 
two horses for each of their number, and the traders, 
knowing resistance to be useless, again acquiesced ; 
whereupon the Indians, mounting their newly acquired 
steeds, and each swinging a lasso in his hand, took pos- 
session of the whole drove of animals belonging to the 
caravan, numbering about 500. This however only af- 
fected property ; soon lives were found to be unsafe. 
The first victims were tw^o young men named McNees 
and Monroe, who had strayed a little way from their 
camp, and were wantonly shot almost within sight of 
their tents. While the party to which they belonged 
was engaged in burying them as best they could on the 
lone prairie, near the banks of the Cimarron, a small 
party of Indians, no doubt entire strangers to the mur- 
der, came near; and the Americans, full of indignation at 
the death of their comrades, and stopping to ask no 
questions, shot down all of them save one, who escaped 
to bear tidings of the slaughter to his tribe. They in 
turn pursued the caravan of the traders, bent on aven- 
ging the death of their brethren; and overtaking them 
at the Arkansas River, carried off nearly 1,000 head 
of horses and mules, though the owners themselves 
succeeded in escaping. Turning back towards their vil- 
lage, their vengeance far from satisfied until blood had 
been paid for blood, the Indians soon encountered an- 
other little returning prairie caravan, which they 
attacked, killing one man and running oflt' all the horses. 
The profits of the trade at that time may be guessed 
from the fact that the men thus left to travel towards 
home afoot had each to carry with him over eighty 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 275 

pounds of silver coin, which was iiis share of the gains 
of the trip. 

The news of these assaults caused the Government 
next year to furnish an armed escort, consisting of four 
companies of troops under Major Riley, which was to 
protect the caravan as far as Chouteau's Island, in the 
Arkansas, and the various traders consolidated their 
trains into one long caravan. It was supposed that the 
road past that point was comparatively free from dan- 
ger, but the fallacy of this w^as shown on the first pos- 
sible occasion ; for the caravan had proceeded but two 
hours' march on its way, after parting with the troops, 
when the advance guard was attacked by Kiawas, and 
one man so unfortunate as not to escape was killed and 
scalped. Major Riley was at once sent for, and arrived 
with all speed, but the Indians had retired at the first 
sign of the presence of soldiers. The escort remained 
in camp on the Arkansas until the returning caravan in 
the fall required their services. But for some unex- 
plained reason the Government failed to furnish a 
similar military protection the next year, and it was 
only repeated on special occasions thereafter, as in 1834, 
when Captain Wharton's dragoons were detailed for the 
service, and in 1843, when a formidable army under 
Captain Cooke escorted two large caravans past the 
principal points of danger. 

As early as J 825 the Government had taken the first 
steps in favor of encouraging the traffickers of the plains 
by appointing a commission, consisting of Messrs. 
Reeves, Sible}^ and Matthews, to lay out a road from the 
border of Missouri to the confines of Santa Fe. While 
this work was never completed, yet it was commenced 
with some spirit by the commissioners, who held a 
council with the Osages in a beautiful strip of woods 
called Council Grove, long an important point on the 
Santa Fe Trail, and now the seat of justice of Morris 
Couifty, Kansas. Here a treaty w^as made wherebv the 



276 THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 

Indians agreed to permit all traders to pass and repass, 
without interference, and in case of necessity, to lend 
their assistance to trading caravans. The line of the 
proposed road was determined as far as the Arkansas, 
and designated by mounds of earth ; but it never 
seems to have been used by the travellers, who per- 
sistently refused to be carried off from the old trail, 
which had been the route of their predecessors, and 
which had the sanction of experience if not of scientific 
engineering. 

The first route followed, as we have seen, was by a 
line almost directly westward to the mountains of Colo- 
rado, and thence south to Taos. Afterwards, when the 
trade assumed importance, a road along the Arkansas, 
and thence south-west to the Raton Pass, following sub- 
stantially the present line of the Atchison, Topeka & 
Santa Fe Railroad, was sometimes used; but the route 
which was the ordinary and favorite one for a long series 
of years was that along the Arkansas, thence across to 
the Cimarron, and so entering New Mexico, proceeding 
in an almost direct line to the Wagon Mound — which 
made a conspicuous landmark — and thence to Las Vegas, 
San Miguel, and Santa Fe. A few trips were made by 
a more southerly route, starting from Van Buren, in 
Arkansas, instead of Independence; and Mr. Gregg 
pronounced this the most, excellent natural line of 
travel. But it never became popular, or was more than 
an experiment. 

In 1839 an attempt was made to establish a route 
from Chihuahua and El Paso to the East, without going 
to Santa Fe at all. This was undertaken chiefly by 
Mexican merchants, but Dr. Connolly took a leading 
part in the enterprise also. The expedition set out 
from Chihuahua, April 3, 1839, amid general acclama- 
tions, as the people saw in it the commencement of a 
great wholesale trade for their city. Seven wagons, with 
about $250,000 in bullion, constituted the caravan; and 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 277 

for lack of knowledge of the country, lost considerable 
time, both in going and returning, having much trouble 
in crossing some of the intervening rivers, and did not 
reach Chihuahua, on their return (when they brought 
sixty or seventy wagons laden with merchandise), until 
August 27, 1840. A change, meanwhile, had taken place 
in. the Mexican officials, which greatly affected the duties 
to be paid, so that the enterprise was a financial failure, 
and was never repeated. 

Down to 1824 only pack-animals were employed ; 
in 1824 and 1825 pack-animals and wagons ; and com- 
mencing in 1826, nothing but wagons. Oxen were first 
used in 1830. The following statistics, taken from 
Gregg's "Commerce of the Prairies," show the gradual 
increase in the business from its commencement in 1822 
until 1843, when the trade was temporarily closed: — 

Years. Cost of Merchandise. No. Wagons. Men. 

1822 $ 15,000 70 

1823 12,000 50 

1824 35,000 26 100 

1825 65,000 37.... 130 

1826 90,000 60 100 

1827 85,000 55 90 

1828 150,000 100 200 

1829 60,000 30 50 

1830 120,000 70 140 

1831 250,000 130 320 

1832.. 140,000 70 150 

1833 180,000 105 185 

1834 150,000 80 160 

1835 140,000 75 140 

1836 130,000 70 135 

1837 150,000 80 160 

1838 90,000 50 100 

1839 250,000 130 250 

1840 50,000 30 60 

1841 150,000 60 100 

1842 160,000..,. 70 120 

1843 450,000 230 350 

In the beginning of the traffic across the plains, 
those engaged in it were nearly all Americans or French, 
from the western States; but gradually New Mexicans 
of wealth began to take part in the business, until in 



278 THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 

1843, Gregg says, " the greater part of the traders were 
New Mexicans, and they bid fair to secure a monopoly." 

While the time occupied in making the passage, of 
course, varied considerably according to circumstances, 
yet an average trip to Santa Fe, with loaded wagons, 
usually occupied about seventy days, and the return 
trip about forty days. The eastward loads then compara- 
tively light, usually from 1,000 to 2,000 pounds, and the 
approaching winter compelled haste. On one occasion a 
young man of Canadian descent, named F. X. Aubrey, 
rode, on a wager, from Santa Fe to Independence in five 
days and ten hours ; his own mare Nellie carrying him 
150 miles of the distance. 

Gregg, in his " Commerce of the Prairies," gives a 
graphic account of the way in which the movements of 
the caravan were managed and governed. The first 
business was to elect a '' Captain of the Caravan," who 
directed the order of travel and designated the camping- 
grounds. While he had no legal authority, yet all by 
common consent obeyed his directions. The proprie- 
tors then furnished a full list of the wagons and men, 
and the caravan was then apportioned into about four 
divisions, each with a lieutenant in command, as they 
generally marched in four lines abreast. The guards 
were then arranged, 'the number of watchmen generally 
being eight, each man standing guard a quarter of each 
alternate night. From this duty no one, no matter 
what his circumstances, was exempt ; except in case of 
very apparent sickness. 

The place of rendezvous for the caravan was usually 
Council Grove, the wagons leaving Independence at 
somewhat different times; and at the time of starting, 
which was generally after an early breakfast, the cry of 
"catch-up" was sounded from the captain's wagon and 
re-echoed throughout the camp, until the answering 
shouts of "all's set" from the teamsters in turn, an- 
nounced that the wagons were ready for the journey. 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 279 

It was the custom when about 200 miles from Santa 
Fe to send a party of couriers, composed generally of 
proprietors or agents, and known on the plain as "run- 
ners," ahead to that city, with a view to procuring pro- 
visions, securing good store-houses, and if possible ar- 
riving at an understanding with the customhouse 
officials. At the crossing of Red River, some part of the 
caravan frequently left the main body to proceed 
westerly to Taos ; and a little further on they were met 
by the custom-house guard, who came to escort the car- 
avan into Santa Fe to prevent smuggling. In the early 
days the village of San Miguel was the first reached, but 
subsequently Las Vegas was settled, and still later some 
American families built in the valley of the Mora, near 
the present town of Watrous. 

When the caravan finally arrived in sight of Santa 
Fe, great excitement prevailed both among those con- 
nected with the wagons, and in the city. To use the 
language of Mr. Bigelow : " It was truly a scene for the 
artist's pencil to revel in ; even the animals seemed to 
participate in the humor of their riders, who grew more 
and more merry and obstreperous as they descended to- 
ward the city. I doubt whether the first sight of the 
walls of Jerusalem was beheld by the Crusaders with 
much more tumultuous and soul-enrapturing joy." 

The arrival produced a great deal of bustle among 
the natives. '^Los Americanos/^' ^^Los Carros/^' ^^La 
entrada de la Caravana P'' were to be heard in every di- 
rection; and crowds of women and boys flocked around 
to see the new-comers. The wagoners were by no means 
free from excitement on this occasion. Each one must 
tie a brand-new cracker to the lash of his whip, for on 
driving through the streets and the plaza jmblica^ every 
one strives to outvie his comrades in the dexterity 
w4th which he flourishes this favorite badge of his 
authority." 

"Our wagons were soon discharged in the warerooms 



280 THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 

of the custom-house ; and a few days' leisure being now 
at our disposal, we had time to take that recreation 
which a fatiguing journey of ten weeks had rendered 
so necessary. The wagoners and many of the traders, 
particularly the novices, flocked to the numerous fan- 
dangoes, which are regularly kept up after the arrival 
of a caravan. But the merchants generally were anx- 
iously and actively engaged in their affairs, striving 
who should first get his goods out of the custom-house, 
and obtain a chance at the ' hard chink ' of the numer- 
ous country dealers who annually resort to the Capital 
on these occasions." 

'' The derechos de arancel (tarift' imposts) of Mexico 
are extremely oppressive, averaging about 100% upon 
the United States' cost of an ordinary Santa Fe assort- 
ment. Those on cotton textures are particularly so. 
According to the arancel of 1837 (and it was still heavier 
before) all plain-wove cottons, whether white or printed, 
pay twelve and a half cents duty per vara, besides the 
c?er6cAoc^co?i5wmo(consumptionduty), which brings it up 
to at least fifteen. For a few years. Governor Armijo, of 
Santa Fe, established a tariff of his own, entirely arbi- 
trary,— exacting $500 for each wagon-load, whether 
large or small, of fine or coarse goods! Of course this 
was very advantageous to such traders as had large 
wagons, and costly assortments, while it was no less 
onerous to those with smaller vehicles of coarse heavy 
goods. As might have been anticipated, the traders 
soon took to carrying their merchandise only in the 
largest wagons, drawn by ten or twelve mules, and 
omitting the coarser and more weighty articles of trade. 
This caused the Governor to return to the ad valorem 
system, though still without regard to the arancel general 
of the nation. " It was calculated that the amount col- 
lected each year at this time amounted to between $50,- 
000 and $60,000. 

The return trip usually commenced four or five 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 281 

weeks after the arrival at Santa Fe ; generally about the 
1st of September. Usually the caravan consisted of only 
thirty or forty wagons, a large portion of those taken 
out being disposed of in the country. The return cargo, 
which was the proceeds of the venture, was silver bullion 
from Chihuahua — and in later years, gold-dust from the 
placers south of Santa Fe— bufifalo-rugs, furs, coarse Mex- 
ican blankets and wool, the latter, however, hardly pay- 
ing a fair freight, but being used to fill wagons which 
would otherwise have been empty. 

Stories of tragedies on the plains, during the early 
days, could be multiplied almost indefinitely. Generally 
they resulted from the carelessness or overconfidence of 
the traders. The death of Captain Smith, in 1831, illus- 
trates this. He had for years been a pioneer in the In- 
dian country and the Rocky Mountains, and had the 
firmest belief in his knowledge of border aflfairs. In the 
spring of that year he concluded to enter the Santa Fe 
trade, and started off in a caravan numbering eighty- 
four men, under the general command of Captain Sub- 
lette. Strangely enough, no one among the eighty-four 
had ever been over the Santa Fe Trail ; and shortly after 
crossing the Arkansas the party became lost in the laby- 
rinth of buffalo-tracks which crossed the plains in every 
direction. After days of wandering the water Avas ex- 
hausted and none could be found. Parties went out in 
various directions in search of a stream or spring, and 
among them Smith started alone, in what he thought a 
promising direction. After long travelling he at length 
reached the goal of his hopes ; a small stream was before 
him, or rather the now dry bed of what had been a 
stream. Well versed in the nature of the western 
waters, he dug with his hands a hole in the center of the 
channel, and soon was rejoiced to see it become a little 
pool. But as he stooped and was in the very act of 
assuaging his long-continued and burning thirst, he fell 
a victim to the deadly arrows of the Comanche. 



282 THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 

After tlie year 1831, however, Indian attacks on the 
reguhir route ceased; but soon after, new difficulties 
arose. The treatment of the Texan " Santa Fe Expedi- 
tion," in 1841, which is narrated elsewhere, aroused 
great indignation in the "Lone Star" Republic, and 
rumors w^ere rife in 1842 that a band of Texans was 
preparing for an organized attack on any Mexicans 
whom they could find on the Santa Fe Trail. Early in 
the next year one Colonel Warfield, said to have held a 
Texan commission, formed a company, with which he 
attacked the town of Mora — then the most advanced 
settlement in that direction— killing five men and 
driving off a lot of horses. He was pursued, however, 
by a party of Mexicans, who succeeded not only in re- 
taking their own horses, but in capturing those of the 
Texans, so that Warfield's company had to go on foot 
to Bents' Fort. About the same time a Texan named 
John McDaniel, claiming to hold a captain's commission, 
raised a part}^ of men on the border of Missouri, and 
started to join Warfield. On the way he met Don 
Antonio Jose Chavez, of New Mexico, travelling towards 
Independence with a small party, consisting of five 
servants, with two wagons and fifty-five mules, and 
$10,000 or $12,000 in specie and bullion. Although 
within the United States territory, the marauders did 
not hesitate to attack Chavez, and rifle his baggage, 
from which each member of McDaniel's party obtained 
about $500 as his sliare of the booty; and immediately 
after, seven of them left for the settlements, satisfied with 
this exploit. The remaining eight for some reason de- 
termined to murder Chavez, and soon after carried their 
cruel design into execution— carrying their victim a few 
rods from the camp and shooting him in cold blood. A 
considerable amount of gold was found on his person and 
in his trunk, and Avas divided among the murderers, 
who thereupon fled towards Missouri. 

This outrage was the more abominable because 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 283 

Chavez belonged to a very influential family, who were 
not at all friendly to Armijo and his action in regard 
to the Texans, Don Mariano Chavez, the elder brother 
of the murdered man, and his wife, having done all that 
kind hearts could dictate to alleviate the sufferings of 
the Texan prisoners, on their march down the Rio 
Grande. 

Before the perpetration of this murder a company of 
United States dragoons had started to intercept and 
capture McDaniel's party, but were not in time; but as 
soon as the outlaws reached the borders of civilization, 
ten of them were arrested and sent to St. Louis for trial, 
five others escaping. Those of the prisoners who were 
found guilty of participation in the murder of Chavez, 
including Captain McDaniel, were executed according 
to law, and the others were convicted of robbery and 
sentenced accordingly. 

About May 1st, of the same year, a company of 175 
men was organized in northern Texas, under Colonel 
Snively, for operations against Mexicans engaged in the 
Santa Fe trade, and were soon after joined by Colonel 
Warfield and a few followers. They soon after encoun- 
tered a Mexican caravan, containing about 100 men, 
attacked it, and killed eighteen besides five who sub- 
sequently died, and captured nearly all of the remainder. 
This was in Mexican or Texan territory, and has been 
justified by some as a fair act of warfare, the two coun- 
tries being then engaged in the struggle which suc- 
ceeded the Texan declaration of independence ; but by 
others it has been held to be beyond the proper limits 
of belligerency. Snively, who had meanwhile moved to 
a point on territory claimed by the United States, was 
soon after met by Captain Cook, in command of 200 
American dragoons, acting as escort to the annual cara- 
van from Independence; and the Texans were speedily 
disarmed b}^ the United States troops. 

The occurrence of such events, however, determined 



284 



THE SANTA FE TRAIL. 



President Santa Ana to close the north of the Mexi- 
can Republic against any further commerce; which for 
a time ended the business of the Santa Fe Trail. The 
decree is dated at Tacubaya, August 7, 1843, and was to 
take effect in forty-five days. The next spring, how- 
ever, the custom-houses Avere re-oj^ened and the trade 
renewed. In 1846 the number of wagons in the caravan 
was 414, and the value of the merchandise transported 
was estimated at $1,752,250. After the American occu- 
pation the business of the Santa Fe Trail still further 
increased ; new and large commercial establishments 
being founded at the capital city, from w^hich a great 
part of northern Mexico as Avell as New Mexico and 
Arizona were supplied. 




CHAPTER XIX. 



F 



THE INSURRECTION OF 1837. 

OR the commencement of the causes which led to 
this outbreak, we must go back two years, to the 
time when Albino Perez, a Colonel of the Mexican army, 
was appointed Political Chief by President Santa Ana, 
in 1835. For some time before, the people of the ter- 
ritory had been governed by native New Mexicans, or 
by those who had become identified with their interests. 
Bacas and Chavez, and Armijos, had been among their 
recent rulers, and the last Spanish Governor, Melgares, 
was one of whose brilliant record they were all proud ; 
but Governor Perez was an entire stranger, sent from 
Mexico ; and even if he had been absolutely perfect, his 
appointment would have occasioned discontent. The 
feeling was increased during the next year by events 
connected with the trial of the disbursing officers of 
the territorv, who were charged with peculation — two 
of the three judges of the Supreme Court, Nafero and 
Santiago Abreu, being among those accused as accom- 
plices ; and the highest pitch of excitement was reached 
when in May, 1837, the new Mexican constitution went 
into efiect, which changed the Territory into a Depart- 
ment, centralized power in n:^any respects, and imposed 
taxes to which the people had never before been subject. 
The opponents of the government exaggerated the bad 
features of the new system so as to render them still 
more obnoxious, until the people, especially in the 
north, were ready to break into revolt at the first signal. 
An occasion soon presented itself in the arrest and 
imprisonment of a local judicial officer on what the peo- 
ple considered a false charge ; a large assemblage hur- 



286 INSURRECTION OF 1S37. 

riedly gathered, released him by force, and raised the 
standard of revolution. This was on the 1st of August, 
1887. Santa Cruz became the head-quarters of the 
movement, and within two days a large number of men 
dissatisfied with the government had collected there, 
embracing many Mexicans from the northern counties, 
especially from the vicinity of Chimayo, and the major- 
ity of the Pueblo Indians from the adjacent villages, 
except San Juan. On August 3d they issued the fol- 
lowing " Plan," w^hich was published and circulated : — 

'^ Viva! God and the Nation! and the faith of Jesus 
Christ! For the principal points which we defend are 
the following : 

"1st. To be with God and the Nation, and the faith 
of Jesus Christ. 

"2d. To defend our country until we spill every 
drop of our blood in order to obtain the victory we have 
in view. 

" 8d. Not to admit the departmental ' j^lan.' 

" 4th. Not to admit any tax. 

"oth. Not to admit the disorder desired by those 
who are attempting to procure it. God and the Nation ! 

" Encampment, Santa Cruz de la Canada, August 3d, 
1837." 

As soon as Governor Perez received news of this re- 
volt, he assembled what troops he had at command, and 
called on the militia to report for duty ; but to this call 
received a very lukewarm response. The Indians of 
San Jimn and Santo Domingo, however, remained ap- 
parently true, and accompanied by the warriors from 
those pueblos and his own soldiers, he marched to put 
down the rebels. These he met on the second day, near 
San Yldefonso, but upon approaching them, nearly all 
of the Governor's army deserted and fraternized with 
their opponents; leaving so few faithful to his standard 
that Perez was forced to move with all speed toward Santa 
Fe. Lieutenant Miguel Sena, Sergeant Sais, and Loreto 



INSURRECTION OF 1837. 287 

Romero, who were among those who remained loyal, 
were killed by the revolutionists near the Puertocito, 
between Santa Cruz and Pojuaque. Finding that there 
was no security at the palace, the Governor left the city 
at 10 o'clock at night to escape to the south, but the roads 
were all blocked by squads of revolutionists, and his 
party was soon forced to retreat and again retire towards 
the capital. Travelling on foot, the better to conceal his 
identity, Governor Perez reached the house of Salvador 
Martinez,about a league south-west of Santa Fe and near 
Agua Fria, and took refuge there, but was soon found' 
by Indians from Santo Domingo, who were following 
his track, and almost instantly killed. Before his pulse 
had ceased to beat, they cut off his head — compelling 
Santiago Prada, one of his own soldiers, to perform the 
deed — and carried it to the head-quarters of the insur- 
gents, which were now near the Church of our Lady of 
the Rosary (Rosario Church), in the western outskirts 
of Santa Fe. On the same day Jesus Maria Alarid, 
Secretary of State, and Santiago Abreu, formerly Gov- 
ernor, were taken together near the Mesita of Santo Do- 
mingo, and killed; the latter with special cruelty. 
Ramon Abreu and Marcelino Abreu, brother of the 
Ex-Governor, and Lieutenant Madrigal and another, 
were overtaken on the same road, at a place called " Las 
Palacias," between Cieneguilla and Agua Fria,and killed. 
Colonel Aponti was wounded at the same time, and 
taken prisoner. 

All this was on the 9th of August; and the next 
day the insurgents entered the city without opposition, 
under command of General "Chopon," of Taos, and the 
Montoya brothers took possession of the palace, and 
ofi!ered up thanks in the parish church for their victory. 
Jose Gonzalez, a Pueblo Indian, of Taos, was elected 
Governor, and duly installed in office in the palace; and 
the revolutionary army, having now accomplished its 



288 INSURRECTION OF 1837. 

object, immediately disbanded — its members returning 
to their homes. 

There can be no doubt that the movement had the 
secret support and approval of many of the leading men 
of the northern counties, including Santa Fe itself; 
but in the end they seem to have been entirely out- 
generaled by Governor Armijo, who soon after organized 
a counter-revolution in the lower country, and prepared 
to march to Santa Fe with a considerable force. Mean- 
while, a General Assembly, composed of the alcaldes and 
'other influential citizens in the northern half of the 
territory, met at Santa Fe in the palace, and ratified 
the acts of the revolutionists. 

When Gonzales heard, however, that Armijo was 
marching up from Albuquerque, he withdrew from the 
capital to Santa Cruz, which was the center of the 
revolutionary feeling. Armijo thereupon entered Santa 
Fe, assumed charge of the government, and proclaimed 
himself Commandant-General of the Province. He im- 
mediately sent dispatches to the central government at 
Mexico, stating that he had overthrown the rebellion ; 
and as a result was appointed Governor of New Mexico 
— a position which he held for the greater part of nine 
years. At the same time the national authorities dis- 
patched troops from Zacatecas and Chihuahua to assist 
in the final suppression of the insurrection. With these 
and his own soldiers, Armijo made a rapid march to 
Santa Cruz, in .January, and succeeded in defeating the 
entire rebel army, and capturing all the leaders. Im- 
mediate punishment followed, no mercy being shown. 
The two brothers Montoya, General " Chopon," and 
Alcalde Esquibel were shot near the old powder-house, 
or "Garita," on the little hill in the northern part of 
Santa Fe; Juan Antonio Vigil was executed near Cuya- 
mungue; and Gonzales was killed by the immediate 
command of Armijo himself. The story is that Gonza- 



INSURRECTION OF 1837. 289 

lez, on being captured at Canada, was brought before 
Armijo, who was then in the outskirts of the town, and 
on seeing the General, Gonzalez came forward with hand 
extended, saying "How do you do, Companero?" as 
was proper between two of equal rank as governors. 
Armijo replied, "How do you do, Companero? Confess 
yourself, Companero." Then turning to his soldiers, 
added, "Now shoot my companero!" — which command 
was immediately executed. This effectually ended the 
revolution of 1837. 




CHAPTER XX. 



THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

It is not necessary in this place to trace the causes 
which led to the war between the United States and 
Mexico, or to follow its histor}^ further than relates 
specially to the operations and results in New Mexico. 
Suffice it to say that the origin of the hostilities 
was found in the dispute as to the ownership of the ter- 
ritory between the Rio Grande and the Nueces River. 
When Texas declared its independence in 1836, it 
claimed all the region from the Sabine on the east to 
the Rio Grande on the west, and when the annexation 
to the United States took place ten years later, it trans- 
ferred that claim of course to the American Union. The 
latter therefore claimed the whole country east of the 
Rio (jrande from its source to its mouth, including half 
of New Mexico, with Taos, Santa Fe, Albuquerque, 
San Miguel, etc., as well as the long strip of country to 
the south extending to the Gulf of Mexico. 

This claim was stoutl}^ resisted by Mexico, which 
insisted that the Territory of Texas had never extended 
farther west than the Nueces River, and determined to 
oppose any attempt of the United States to carry its 
authority beyond that line. General Taylor having 
been ordered into the disputed district, was met by the 
Mexican forces, under General Santa Ana, and the bat- 
tles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma on successive 
days in May, 1846, opened the bloody drama of war, and 
startled the American people, who had been at peace so 
long that more than a generation had heard no sounds 
of armed hostilities, except a\s echoed from the lands 
across the ocean. 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 291 

A formal declaration of war b}^ the American Con- 
gress followed almost immediately, on the 10th of May; 
and so the war was formally and legally, as Avell as act- 
ually, begun. The first plan of operations looked to an 
invasion of Mexican territory at various points near the 
boundary line, General Taylor crossing the Rio Grande 
near its mouth, with Monterey as his first objective 
point. General Wool organizing a force at San Antonio 
to proceed westerly towards Chihuahua, and Colonel 
Stephen W. Kearney being ordered to march from Fort 
Leavenworth along the general line of the Santa Fe 
Trail, for the conquest of New Mexico and the region 
beyond, with what was denominated the Army of the 
West." Our interest, of course, is exclusively with the 
latter. 

Colonel Kearney was the commandant of the First 
Dragoons, U. S. A., and troops from that regiment con- 
stituted the nucleus of the army which was to start on 
the long and perilous trip across the plains. Volun- 
teers were called for from Missouri, and a regiment of 
cavalry was speedily organized, and on June 18th elected, 
as its Colonel, Alexander W. Doni]3han, an eminent 
lawyer who had enlisted as a private. Missouri also 
furnished a battalion of light artillery, commanded by 
Major Clark, consisting of two companies, under Cap- 
tains Weightman and Fischer, two companies of in- 
fantry, commanded by Captains Angney and Murphy, 
and the LaClede Rangers from St. Louis, under Captain 
Hudson. It was also proposed to form a Mormon bat- 
talion from the Latter Day Saints who had recently 
been driven from their settlements at Nauvoo and had 
set out on their journe}- towards a new home in the 
wilderness of the far West, and Captain Allen was 
dispatched to Council Bluffs to meet the Mormon cara- 
van and endeavor to obtain volunteers for the purpose. 
The companies which composed the regiment of 
dragoons, like most of our army in times of peace, were 



292 AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

widely scattered; twocoiii panics stationed on the Upper 
Mississippi, under Captain P. St. George Cooke and Cap- 
tain E. V. Sumner, were firstly ordered to New Orleans 
to join the more southerly expeditions, but at St. Louis 
found new orders to proceed with Colonel Kearney across 
the plains. 

Kearney himself commenced his march from Fort 
Leavenworth in the latter part of June, 1846. The two 
companies just mentioned proceeded up the Missouri 
River in boats, and set out on July 6th. The troops, all 
told, consisted of six companies of the First Dragoons 
— who were all the regulars in the command — and the 
volunteers before mentioned, who, while possessing the 
high spirit, bravery, and love of adventure characteris- 
tic of the western soldier, yet had had little time for 
drilling or even the acquirement of discipline. Al- 
together, the "Army of the West," with its high sound 
ing title, and which was expected to march across 1,000 
miles of desert and conquer a whole province, consisted 
of 1,658 men and sixteen pieces of ordnance. The 
whole did not come together until the plains had been 
traversed and they had reached Bents' Fort, the most 
important and best known of frontier trading posts, and 
then the great point of rendezvous for the hunters and 
trappers of the mountain regions. This fort was situ- 
ated on the north bank of the Arkansas, about 650 miles 
west of Fort Leavenworth, in latitude 38°02' and long- 
itude 103°03'. It was 180 feet long and 135 feet wide, 
and the walls, which were of adobe, were fifteen feet 
high and four feet thick. Altogether, it was certainly 
the strongest post established by private enterprise in 
the country. Here the army found the most of the 
great caravan of traders' wagons which had started 
over the trail that year, the whole consisting of 414 
loaded wagons. 

From Bents' Fort Lieutenant DeCourcey was dis- 
patched with twenty men to the Taos Valley to ascertain 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 293 

the disposition of the people and report to the General 
at the most practicable point on the road. It may be 
added here that he rejoined the main body on the 11th 
of August, at the Ponil, bringing 14 Mexican prisoners, 
who reported that the Pueblos, Utes, and other Indians, 
to the number of 5,000, had joined the Mexican forces, 
and that the United States Army would be opposed at 
every point between San Miguel and Santa Fe. 

After spending three days in greatly needed rest, the 
army resumed its march on August 2d, and Captain 
Cooke was sent in advance, as a kind of ambassador, 
to proceed under a flag of truce to Santa Fe and 
carry the proclamation of the General declaring the an- 
nexation to the United States of all the territory east of 
the Rio Grande as part of the old Republic of Texas. 
Cooke was accompanied by twelve picked men of his own 
company as an escort, and also by Mr Jas. Magoffin, of 
Kentucky, and Senor Gonzales, of Chihuahua, two mer- 
chants extensively engaged in the trade of the Santa 
Fe Trail, and then bound for the New Mexican capital. 
They crossed the Purgatoire near where Trinidad now 
is, and passed through the Raton Mountains, following 
almost exactly the stage route of a later day, and not far 
from the present line of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa 
Fe Railroad, finding the first habitations on the banks 
of the Mora River, the proprietor being Mr. James Bon- 
ney, who had settled there four j^ears before. 

On August 9th they came in sight of Las Vegas, 
which Cooke describes, as so man}'- others have done 
both before and since, as resembling " an extensive 
brick-yard and kilns." It was then a comparatively 
new town, Don Miguel Romero, the father of the dis- 
tinguished family of that name, having been its virtual 
founder a little before the year 1840. Here the envoy 
met the Alcalde (Juan de Dios Maes), and enjoyed his 
hospitality, while the latter sent a swift express by the 
short trail across the mountains to carrv the informa- 



21)4 AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

tion of the foreign arrival to Governor Armijo at Santa 
Fe. The next day Cooke's party passed through Tecolote 
and San Miguel, in both of which places crowds of in- 
habitants turned out to see the strangers, and on the 
morning of August 12th arrived at Santa Fe. They 
found the cit}" crowded with soldiers and citizens, who 
had come in to form a volunteer army to resist the 
American approach, and had some difficulty in forcing 
their way through the throng to the front of the Palace. 
Here they halted and were met by Captain Ortiz (Mayor 
de Plaza), who carried news of their arrival to the Gov- 
ernor. That official they found in the large hall of the 
Palace (Avhich we are told then had a carpeted earth 
floor), seated at a table and surrounded by military and 
civil officers. Cooke described him as a "large fine look- 
ing man," dressed in a blue frock coat, with a rolling 
collar and general's shoulder-straps, blue striped trou- 
sers, with gold lace, and a red sash. 

Cooke informed the Governor that he had been sent 
by the General commanding the American army, with 
a letter, which he would present when it should be 
agreeable to his Excellency. The Governor directed 
that the envoy and his escort should be properly cared 
for, and set a later hour for an official reception of his 
communication. At the time appointed Cooke pre- 
sented his documents, and later in the evening the 
Governor returned his call, and said that he would send 
a Commissioner to meet General Kearney, the person 
selected for that office being Dr. Connolly. The Governor 
also stated that he would march himself very shortly 
with 6,000 men to meet the invaders. 

Meanwhile the army under Kearney had been pro- 
ceeding by rapid marches, in which the infantry some- 
times outwalked the cavalry, over the same route from 
Bents' Fort towards Santa Fe, and had reached Santa 
Clara Springs on the 13th, the Mora River on the 14th, 
and on the 15th entered Las Vegas. Just before reach- 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 295 

ing this town Major Swords arrived from Fort Leaven- 
worth with the mail, which contained Colonel Kear- 
ney's commission as Brigadier-General U. S. A., the 
announcement of which caused great rejoicing and con- 
gratulation among the troops. Las Vegas was the 
first Mexican town reached by the expedition, and was 
then a place of small importance ; San Miguel being 
the county seat and center of business and population 
in that section. • 

General Kearney halted his army and called the peo- 
ple together in the plaza, standing, with his staff and 
other officers, and the Alcalde of the town, on the 
flat roof of a building situated on the north side of the 
plaza, near the middle of the block (owned in 1883 by 
Mr. Kihlberg). He explained to the people the objects 
of the invasion, and assured them that neither they nor 
their property should be molested so long as they were 
quiet and peaceable. The Alcalde, Juan de Dios Maes, 
then took the oath of allegiance to the United States, 
being the first Mexican who had thus voluntarily as- 
sumed the obligations of American citizenship; and he 
was immediately confirmed in his office by the com- 
manding General. 

Continuing on their march, Kearney and his troops 
next reached the little village of Tecolote; and here 
proceedings quite similar to those at Las Vegas were 
enacted. The General addressed the Alcalde and the 
leading citizens, informing them of the annexation and 
its advantages, and requiring an oath of allegiance 
from the former, whom he then confirmed in his office. 
Here they met Colonel Cooke and Dr. Connolly, but no 
change of programme seems to have been caused by any 
communication from the latter. The ceremony at Teco- 
lote only occupied the time required for watering the 
horses, and at night the army bivouacked by the spark- 
ling and refreshing waters of the Bernal Spring. 

The next day they arrived at San Miguel, then the 



296 AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

cabecera of the county, and much the most important 
town east of the mountains. It was quite a changed scene 
from that of a few^ years before, when the Texans of 
Kendall's expedition, foot-sore and weary, and as pris- 
oners, marched through the same streets; and singularly 
enough, that night the American pickets captured a son 
of General Salazar, w^ho had taken the first Texans in 1841. 
General Kearney and his staff, with the Alcalde, the 
padre, and some other officers, ascended to the roof of a 
house overlooking the plaza, and delivered an address 
to the crowds that had congregated from the surround- 
ing country, similar to those at Las Vegas and Tecolote ; 
but at first the Alcalde positively refused to take the 
oath of allegiance, and was only induced to comply after 
much persuasion. Soon after leaving the town, two 
prisoners were captured, and by order of the General, 
conducted through the camp and shown the number and 
quality of the cannon, and then set at liberty. To the 
exaggerated accounts of the Americans' strength given 
by these men to the Mexican volunteers, and the con- 
sternation thus caused, have been ascribed largely the 
demoralization and subsequent melting away of the 
Mexican army. 

On the night of August 17th the army encamped 
near the deserted Pueblo of Pecos, wdiere the church 
and some other buildings were then standing in far bet- 
ter condition than their present ruinous appearance 
would indicate, and but a short distance from the nar- 
row defile at Apache Canon, or Caiioncito, where Gov- 
ernor Armijo's army w'as posted in an almost impreg- 
nable position, sustained by a good suppl}^ of artillery, 
and strongly defended by a breastwork of huge trees. 
It was intended to take a circuitous route which passed 
around this narrow defile, and so avoid, if possible, a 
conflict under the terrible disadvantages which that 
position presented; but during the night news came 
that the Mexican army had abandoned its position, and 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 297 

retired toward Santa Fe. While considerable in num- 
bers, it was heterogeneous in material, the regular troops 
Avere few, and the great bulk of the force was made up 
of undisciplined countrymen, armed with such weap- 
ons as they could best obtain, and General Armijo 
seems to have had little confidence in their ability to 
stand a charge of cavalry, and indeed to some extent in 
their enthusiasm and earnestness in his cause. Greatly 
exaggerated accounts of the strength of the invading 
army had been spread, the size of the coming host in- 
creasing with each repetition, until a feeling of fear and 
despondency was quite general, and the hasty levies from 
the country had become demoralized. So the American 
army, which had expected to take a circuitous and diffi- 
cult mountain track in order to i3ass around the strategic 
point occupied by Armijo, found themselves able to 
march directly on by the high road, only incommoded 
by the trees and other obstructions which had been 
thrown across the track to act as a kind of breastwork ; 
and marched rapidly all day, in order, if possible, to ac- 
complish the whole distance to the Capital Cit}^ (twenty- 
eight miles) before night-fall. 

The head of the column arrived in sight of the city 
soon after three o'clock, but waited until about six for 
the rear and the artillery to come up, as it was desired 
to enter the city in good military form. General Kear- 
ney and several officers proceeded to the Palace, where 
he was received by Juan Bautista Vigil, the Lieutenant- 
Governor, and the government of the city formally 
transferred. A little before sunset the troops marched 
into the plaza, raised and saluted the "stars and stripes," 
and then retired, without food or fuel, to make a camp 
on top of one of the surrounding hills south-east of the 
town. The baggage had not arrived, but before dark 
the enterprising drivers of burros laden with wood had 
supplied material for fires, and the soldiers, hungry and 
thirsty, soon filled the saloons and hotels until literallv 



2y8 AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

driven to the encampment b}^ the guard. General 
Kearney slept on the floor in the Palace. Colonel Cooke, 
with fifty men, was put in charge of the city. 

Meanwhile General Armijo had proceeded toward 
Albuquerque, disbanding the militia and taking with 
him only the regular troops, but having to abandon his 
artillery, which was soon after found and brought into 
the city. This consisted of nine pieces in all, and among 
them, an old Spanish cannon with the inscrij^tion, 
" Barcelona, 1778," and one fine Texan piece bearing the 
name of President Lamar, and which had been taken 
from the Texan " Santa Fe Expedition." 

Thus was accomplished, Avithout the shedding of a 
drop of blood, an entire change in the government of 
the Territory ; and without having to strike a blow, 
what has been called the "Conquest of New Mexico" 
was effected. Few such campaigns have been known in 
history. A little army, hardly larger than a full regi- 
ment, had marched 900 miles from its base of supplies, 
largely through a desert region, with its communications 
liable at any time to be cut oft', and without sufficient 
provisions, or money to procure them, for the long 
period required. The heat was excessive during much 
of the march, and the suffering therefrom, when water 
could not be obtained, was intense. In crossing what 
was then called the "Great American Desert," through 
what is now western Kansas and southern Colorado, 
they suffered greatly for want of water. In the lan- 
guage of the historian of Doniphan's expedition, "In 
the course of a day's march we could scarcely find a pool 
of water to quench the thirst, a patch of grass to prevent 
our animals from perishing, or an oasis to relieve the 
weary mind. Dreary, sultry, desolate, boundless solitude 
reigned as far as the eye could reach, and seemed to 
bound the distant horizon. We suffered much with the 
heat and thirst, and the driven sand, which filled our 
eyes, and nostrils, and mouths almost to suftbcation. 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 299 

Many of our animals perished on the desert." The vol- 
unteer troops were badly furnished as to wagons and 
teams, often reduced to half rations, and th« provisions 
frequently so far behind as not to arrive before midnight. 

At Bents' Fort, in consequence of the scarcity of 
provisions, the daily allowance was reduced to half a 
pound of flour, and three-eighths of a pound of pork — 
thus cutting off the rations of coffee, sugar, salt, rice, 
etc., w^hich had previously beeft furnished. After enter- 
ing New Mexico the army subsisted, until its arrival at 
Santa Fe, on about one-third of the regular rations. 
Even with this reduction, there were on hand only 
sufficient rations to last the number of days required to 
reach Santa Fe by the most rapid and uninterrupted 
marching; no alloAvance had been made for delays or 
detentions ; and although making forced marches, the 
army arrived at the Capital entirely destitute of pro- 
visions. And even here there was but little improve- 
ment for a time, for the expedition had not been prop- 
erly supplied with money, and the people having been 
declared citizens of the United States, and therefore en- 
titled to full protection of their property, no supplies 
could be had from them except by cash payment. Had 
the country been treated as conquered territory, sup- 
plies of course could have been seized and used; but 
carrying out the opposite theory, no property could be 
taken or disturbed except as purchased from the ow^ners; 
and so the army found itself in a very extraordinary 
and embarrassing position — compelled on the one hand 
to be on its guard against a people who might at any 
moment rise in hostility, and on the other, not having 
any of the advantages as to supplies which would have 
resulted from a condition of open war. 

The first business of the General, after attending to 
the pressing wants of the soldiers, was to secure the 
fruits of victory, and guard against any uprising of the 
people»or "the coming of a Mexican army from the south ; 



300 AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

and so the erection of Fort Marcy (named for Hon. \Vm. 
L. Marcy, of New York, then the Secretary of War) 
was immediately commenced. This was situated on 
the hill north-east of the city, which commanded the 
entire town, and on the very spot where, centuries be- 
fore, the Pueblo chiefs had established their head-quar- 
ters in the rebellion of 1680. The fort was planned by 
Lieutenant Gilmer, of the topographical corps, and L. 
A. McLean, a civil engineer in a Missouri company, and 
was built by the volunteers, a certain number of whom 
were detailed each day for the purpose. This was a 
source of great complaint, as the men felt that they had 
volunteered to fight, but not to act as laborers; and 
even the small extra compensation (eighteen cents a 
day) allowed, failed to reconcile them to what many con- 
sidered a hardship and imposition. The fort, however, 
was finally completed, its form being an irregular tri- 
decagon, and its walls being massively built of adobes. 
In size it was sufficient to accommodate 1,000 soldiers, 
and it was armed with fourteen cannon. 

This fortress was the more necessary because -the 
" Army of the West " was not to be an army of occu- 
pation; but was intended to push on to greater con- 
quests on the Pacific coast. 

General Kearney, with characteristic vigor, proceeded 

to set in order a provisional government. In this he 

showed tact and discretion as well as energy. The 

instructions which he had received were conceived in 

the })roper spirit, the fundamental idea being that the 

people of the Territory were not to consider themselves 

as conquered, but simply as brought under the good 

influences of the free liberal, and stal)le institutions 

of the United States. The confidential instructions 

from the Secretary of War, dated June 3, 1846, contained 

"7^ these extracts : " Should you conquer and take posses- 

, sion of New Mexico and Upper California, you will 

I establish temporary civil governments therein, al)olish- 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 301 

ing all arbitrary restrictions that may exist so far as it 
may be done with safety. In performing this duty, it 
would be wise and prudent to continue in their employ- 
ment all such of the existing officers as are known to be 
friendly to the United States, and will take the oath 
of allegiance to them. You may assure the people of those 
provinces that it is the Avish and design of the United 
States to provide for them a free government, with the 
least possible delay, similar to that which exists in our 
Territories. Then they will be called upon to exercise 
the rights of freemen, in electing their own representa- 
tives to the Territorial Legislature. In your conduct 
you will act in such a manner as best to conciliate the 
inhabitants, and render them friendly to the United 
States." 

On the morning of the 19th General Kearney assem- 
bled the people in the plaza and addressed them as 
follows, his words being translated by the interpreter 
Roubidoux : '^ New Mexicans! we have come amongst 
you to take possession of New Mexico, which we do in 
the name of the Government of the United States. 
We have come with peaceable intentions and kind feel- 
ings towards you all. We come as friends to better 
your condition, and make you a part of the Republic 
of the United States. We mean not to murder you, or 
rob you of your property. Your families shall be free 
from molestation ; your women secure from violence. 
My soldiers will take nothing from you but what they 
pay you for. In taking possession of New Mexico, we 
do not mean to take away your religion from you. Re- 
ligion and government have no connection in our 
country. There, all religions are equal ; one has no 
preference over the other ; the Catholic and Protestant 
are esteemed alike. Every man has a right to serve God 
according to his heart. When a man dies he must ren- 
der to his God an account of his acts here on earth, 
whether they be good or bad. In our Government all 



302 MERICAN OCCUPATION. 

men are equal. We esteem the most peaceable man the 
best man. I advise you to attend to your domestic pur- 
suits—cultivate industry, be peaceable and obedient to 
the laws. Do not resort to violent means to correct 
abuses. I do hereby proclaim that, being in possession 
of Santa Fe, I am, therefore, virtually in possession of 
all New Mexico. Armijo is no longer your Governor. 
His power is departed. But he will return and be as 
one of you. When he shall return you are not to molest 
him. You are no longer Mexican subjects; you are 
now become American citizens, subject only to the laws 
of the United States. A change of government has 
taken place in New Mexico, and you no longer owe alle- 
giance to the Mexican Government. I do hereby pro-^ 
claim my intention to establish in this Department a / 
civil government, on a republican basis, similar to those 
of our own States. It is my intention, also, to continue 
in office those by whom you have been governed, except 
the Governor, and such other persons as I shall appoint 
to office by virtue of the authority vested in me. 
I am your Governor— henceforth look to me for pro- 
tection." 

The General next proceeded to inquire if they were 
willing to take the oath of allegiance to the United 
States Government, to which having given their con- 
sent, he then administered to the Governor ad interim, 
the Secretary of State, the Prefects, the Alcaldes, and 
other officers of state, the following oath; "Do you 
swear in good faith that under all circumstances you 
will bear allegiance to the laws and Government of the 
United States, and that through good and evil you will 
demean yourselves as obedient citizens of the same, in 
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
•Spirit, Amen." This address of the General's was re- 
ceived with many manifestations of satisfaction and 
applause by the people; and General Kearney then pro- 
ceeded to administer a similar oath to several delega- 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 303 

tions of Pueblo Indians who came in to offer tlieir sub- 
mission. 

His next act was to cause a flag-staff, 100 feet in 
height, to be erected in the center of the plaza, and the 
American flag to be flung to the breeze from its top. A 
grazinc^ camp was then established on the Galisteo River, 
twentv-seven miles southerly from the capital, to which 
the horses of the army, wearied from their long and ardu- 
ous journey,were sent to recuperate in the midst of plen- 
tiful grass and water. Three days after the taking of the 
oath of allegiance, General Kearney issued the following 
proclamation, in which for the first time the intention 
was expressed to take possession of territory west of 
the Rio Grande, and consequently beyond the limits 
claimed by Texas,— 

PROCLAMATION ! 

"As bv the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of 
war exists between that government and the United 
States, and as the undersigned, at the head of his 
troops on the 18th instant took possession ol banta i^ e, 
the capital of the Department of New Mexico he now 
announces his intention to hold the Department,with its 
original boundaries (on both sides of the Del Norte), as 
a part of the United States, and under the name of the 
Territorv of New Mexico. The undersigned has come to 
New Meiico with a strong military force, and an equally 
strong one is following close in his rear. He has more 
troops than necessarv to put down any opposition that 
can possibly be brought against him, and therefore it 
would be folly and madness for any dissatisfied or dis- 
contented persons to think of resisting him. ihe 
undersigned has instructions from his Government to 
respect the religious institutions of New Mexico to 
protect the property of the Church, to cause the worship 
of those belonging to it to be undisturbed, and their re- 
lio-ious rights in the amplest manner preserved to them 
Atsoto protect the persons and property of all quiet and 
peaceable inhabitants within its boundaries, against 
their enemies, the Utes, Navajoes, and others. And while 
he assures all that it will be his pleasure as we 1 as his 
duty to complv with those instructions, he calls upon 



'604: AMERICAN OCCUI'ATION. 

them to exert themselves in preserving order, in pro- 
moting concord, and in maintaining the authority and 
efficiency of the laws ; to require of those who have left 
their homes and taken up arms against the troops of 
the United States to return forthwith to them, or else 
they will be considered as enemies and traitors, sub- 
jecting their persons to punishment and their property to 
seizure and confiscation for the benefit of the public 
treasury. It is the wish and intention of the United 
States to provide for New Mexico a free government, 
with the least possible delay, similar to those in the 
United States, and the people of New Mexico will then 
be called on to exercise the rights of free men in elect- 
ing their own representatives to the Territorial Legis- 
lature ; but until this can be done, the laws hitherto in 
existence will be continued until changed or modified 
by competent authority ; and those persons holding 
office will continue in the same for the present, provided 
they will consider themselves good citizens and willing 
to take the oath of allegiance to the United States. The 
undersigned hereby absolves all persons residing within 
the boundary of New Mexico from further allegiance to 
the Republic of Mexico, and hereby claims them as citi- 
zens of the United States. Those who remain quiet and 
peaceable will be considered as good citizens and receive 
protection. Those who are found in arms, or instiga- 
ting others against the United States, will be considered 
as^ traitors, and treated accordingly. Don Manuel Ar- 
mijo, the late Governor of this Department, has fled 
from it. The undersigned has taken possession of it 
without firing a gun or shedding a drop of blood — in 
which he most truly rejoices ; and for the present will 
be considered as Governor of this Territory. 

"Given at Santa Fe, the Capital of the Territory of 
New Mexico, this 22d day of August, 1846, and in the 
seventy-first year of the Independence of the United 
States. By the Governor, 

"S. W. Kearney, 
"Brigadier-General." 

While everything at the capital was quiet, and the 
best of feeling appeared to exist among the people of 
Santa Fe towards the American authorities, rumors 
arrived of the concentration of quite a large Mexican 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION 305 

force near Albuquerque, with a view to renew hostili- 
ties, and General Kearney determined to march in that 
direction in person, in order to prevent the execution of 
any such plan; and by personal acquaintance, to gain 
the confidence of the people of the Territory at large. 
He started on September 2d, taking with him a batter}^ 
of eight pieces, with 100 artillery-men, a battalion of 100 
dragoons under Captain Burgwin, and 500 mounted 
volunteers. Including his stafif, the force consisted of 
725 men, besides fifty or sixty Mexicans, who accom- 
panied the expedition as a kind of honorary escort. 
When near Santo Domingo they were met by the 
'' Gobernador " of the pueblo, carrying his official cane, 
and accompanied b}^ the other officers of the pueblo; 
and after the usual salutations, the " Gobernador " said ; 
" We shall meet some Indians presently, mounted and 
dressed for war, but they are young men of my town — 
friends come to receive you — and I wish to caution your 
men not to fire upon them." And this w^as soon verified 
by the appearance of a band of Pueblos, most grotesquely 
dressed, and painted to represent diff'erent animals, their 
heads surmounted by buffalo-horns, etc., Avho dashed by 
at full speed, enveloped in a cloud of dust, and firing 
volleys under the bodies of the horses of the Americans 
as they passed. After arriving in the tow^n the General 
addressed the people in a speech which had to be doubly 
translated; — into Spanish, and from that language into 
the Pueblo tongue. 

From here the little army proceeded to San Felipe, 
Algodones (then the largest town of the valley), and 
Bernalillo, and arrived at Albuquerque on the morning 
of the 25th, receiving a salute of twenty guns from the 
top of the parish church, which was the first assurance 
they had that the city was not occupied by a hostile 
force. The next day a deputation came up from the 
town of Peralta to offer their submission to the new 
Govermnent,and to say that the people of the Rio Abajo 



306 AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

(Lower River) desired to be considered as friends. The 
army continued its march, however, stopping a short 
time at Peralta, then the residence of many of the 
Chavez famil}^ who were friends to the Americans, and 
going as far as Tome, where the officers attended an im- 
posing religious ceremony ; and then returned to Santa 
Fe, having accomplished all that was most essential by 
demonstrating to every inhabitant of the country that 
the Americans had come as friends and not as enemies, 
and recognized every New Mexican as now an Amer- 
ican citizen. 

One of the most important and j^et difficult and del- 
icate tasks which had to be performed was with regard 
to the civil law to be observed and enforced under the 
new regime. This of course required immediate action, 
and General Kearne}^ committed the work of preparing 
a Code to Colonel Doniphan and Willard P. Hall, of the 
Missouri volunteers. Just as this w^ork was being com- 
pleted, and while he was actually engaged in a room in 
the Palace in transcribing part of the laws, Mr. Hall re- 
ceived the intelligence of his election as a Member of 
Congress from the district in Missouri in which he re- 
sided. As preliminary to the work the General directed 
a translation to be made of all the laws and decrees 
found in the official archives at Santa Fe — a work 
w^hich was rapidly accomj^lished by Captain David 
Waldo. 

This Code, much of which has remained as the law of 
the Territory for nearly forty years, contained a Bill of 
Rights quite similar to those in many of the States, 
proclaiming the broadest principles of liberty, and was 
made up largely from Missouri statutes and existing 
Mexican laws. It was to be promulgated in both Span- 
ish and English, and the labor of translation was con- 
fided to Captain Waldo, whose varied accomplishments 
and scholarship were frequently of much value in sim- 
ilar matters. Considerable difficulty was experienced 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 307 

in printing the work, the only press in the Territory be- 
ing a small one which had been used by the former 
government in printing proclamations, public notices, 
manifestos, etc. The type was worn, and ink and other 
materials difficult to obtain ; but finally the work was 
accomplished. The type being Spanish, and conse- 
quently containing no "W," we are told that whenever 
that letter occurred in the book, the compositors had to 
substitute two " Vs." This "Kearney Code" was pro- 
piiulgated on September 22d, and took effect immediately. 
General Kearney promptly established a provisional 
government by the appointment of a Governor, Judges, 
€tc. The following was the official notice which was 
circulated throughout the Territory, in both English and 
Spanish, — 

NOTICE. 

'' Being duly authorized bv the President of the United 
.States of America, I hereby make the following appoint- 
ments for the government of New Mexico, a Territory of 
the United States. The officers thus appointed will be 
obeyed and respected accordingly : Charles Bent to be 
Governor ; Donaciano Vigil to be Secretary of the Terri- 
tory ; Richard Dallam to be Marshal ; Francis P. Blair 
to be U. S. District Attorney ; Charles Blumner to be 
Treasurer ; Eugene Leitensdorfer to be Auditor of Pub- 
lic Accounts ; Joab Houghton, Antonio Jose Otero, 
Charles Beaubien, to be Judges of the Superior Court. 

"Given at Santa Fe, the Capital of the Territory of 
New Mexico, this 22d day of September, 1846, and in 
the seventy-first year of the Independence of the United 
States. S. W. Kearney, 

Brigadier General, U. S. A." 



Charles Bent was an old resident of the Territory, 
and with his brother, the owner of Bents' Fort. He 
was an able and popular man, and married to a native- 
born New Mexican lady of Taos. 

Donaciano Vigil was a native New Mexican, born 
September 6, 1802, who had held a number of public 
positions, both civil and military, and enjoyed the con- 



808 AMERICAN OCHUPATION. 

fidence and respect of the whole i)eople. He had been 
active in expeditions against the Navajoes in 1823, 1833, 
1836, and 1838 ; for over four years military secretary of 
the Governor ; twice a member of the Departmental 
Assembly, etc.; and so had an official experience of great 
value. 

Francis P. Blair, Jr., was the well-known member of 
the Blair family Avho afterwards represented the St. Louis 
District in the United States Congress, being the first 
Republican representative ever elected in a slave State. 

Richard Dallam was an American, residing at the 
Placers and engaged in mining operations there. 

Eugene Leitensdorfer was a Santa Fe merchant, who 
had married the daughter, Soledad, of Governor Santiago 
Abreu. 

Joab Houghton was a well-known lawyer, who after- 
wards held the office of Associate Justice, under the 
regular Territorial government, for a number of years^ 
from 1865 to 1869. 

Antonio Jose Otero was the representative of one of 
the most important Spanish families in New Mexico, a 
man of high character and reputation, and influential 
connections. 

Charles Beaubien had been a resident of Taos since 
about 1827, and had married a sister of Don Pedro 
Valdez, in 1828. He was widely known and respected. 

On the 26th of September the column for California, 
under command of General Kearney, set ofl' on the long 
journey to conquer an empire on the Pacific, choosing 
as the least of two unknown evils the southern route 
along the Gila, and really making what General Cooke 
aptly calls, "a leap in the dark of a thousand miles of 
wild plain and mountain." General Kearney, on leaving 
the Territory, which he had practically annexed, and to 
which he had given a new government and code of laws, 
turned over the command to Colonel Doniphan. 

Two days afterward,on September 28,General Sterling 



' . AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 309 

Price arrived at Santa Fe, in a feeble state of health, and 
accompanied only by his staff. The troops under his 
command, consisting of 1,200 mounted volunteers from 
Missouri, and a Mormon battalion of 500 infantry organ- 
ized at Council Bluffs, reached the city a few days later, 
having completed the march across the plains in fifty- 
three days. The capital was now literally alive with 
artillery, baggage-wagons, commissary teams, beef- 
cattle, and a promiscuous throng of American soldiers, 
traders, visitors, straglers, trapj^ers, amateurs, moun- 
taineers, Mexicans, Pueblo Indians, women and chil- 
dren, numbering perhaps not less than 14,000 souls. 
The aggregate effective force of the American army in 
New Mf^xico at this time was about 3,500 men. 

Colonel Doniphan had been ordered to march to Chi- 
huahua, where it was supposed General Wool had arrived 
from San Antonio, and great preparations were made for 
the campaign ; but just as he was about starting, the 
attacks made by bands of Navajoes on Polvedero and other 
towns made necessary some efficient action against that 
tribe, and so the Colonel was directed, by a special order 
sent by General Kearney from La Joya while en route for 
California, to make a campaign against them, before pro- 
ceeding on his more adventurous southern trip. Thus 
a part of the army which had started out in hostility to 
Mexicans found its first active duty in the protection of 
the Mexican people themselves against their inveterate 
enemies. 

With characteristic promptitude Doniphan per- 
formed the task. Leaving Colonel Price at Santa Fe, 
he set out on October 26th, dividing his forces into two 
parts. With one he proceeded to Albuquerque, and 
thence up the Rio Puerco to the head-waters of its 
western branch; while Major Gilpin, in command of 
200 men, marched up the valley of the Chama from 
Abiquiu, crossed the " Great Continental Divide," and 
proceeded down the San Juan to the valley of the Little 



310 AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

Colorado. Nothing more romantic or daring is recorded 
in the pages of history than Captain Reid's expedition, 
with an escort of only thirty men, to the center of the 
Indian popuhition ; and Gilpin's march across the Cor- 
dilleras. The wliole country of the Navajoes was visited, 
and the tribe brought together at Ojo del Oso, where a 
treaty was successfully concluded, and the regiment re- 
turned to the Rio Grande, reaching Socorro on Decem- 
ber 12th, having accomplished its whole work most effi- 
ciently in little more than six weeks. 

The novel position which the American army thus 
assumed, as the champions and protectors of the people 
who had so lately been their enemies, is well illustrated 
by a part of the proceedings at the '' long talk," which 
preceded the making of this treaty with the Navajoes. 
After the first statement by Colonel Doniphan, a young 
Navajo Chief,Sarcilla Largo, a very bright man, responded 
that he was gratified to learn the views of the Ameri- 
cans. '' He admired their spirit and enterprise, but 
detested the Mexicans." The next day Colonel Doniphan 
explained to the council " that the United States had 
taken military possession of New Mexico; that her laws 
were now[extended over that Territory ; that the New 
Mexicans would be protected against violence and in- 
vasion ; and that their rights would be amply preserved 
to them : that the United States was also anxious to 
enter into a treaty of peace and lasting friendship with 
her red children, the Navajoes; that the same protection 
would be given them against encroachments, and the 
usurpation of their rights, as had been guaranteed to 
the New Mexicans; that the United States claimed all 
the country by the right of conquest, and both they and 
the New Mexicans were now equally become her child- 
ren." Then the same young Chief, with great acuteness 
boldly replied: "Americans! you have a strange 
cause of war against the Navajoes. We have waged war 
against the New Mexicans for many years. We have 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 311 

plundered their villages and killed many of their 
people, and made many prisoners. We had just cause 
for all this. You have lately commenced a war against 
the same people. You are powerful. You have great 
guns and many brave soldiers. You have therefore con- 
quered them, the very thing we have been attempting 
to do for so many years. You now turn upon us for 
attempting to do what you have done yourselves. We 
cannot see why you have cause to quarrel with us for 
fighting the New Mexicans on the west, while you do 
the same thing on the east. Look how matters stand. 
This is our war. We have more right to complain of you 
for interfering in our war than you have to quarrel 
with us for continuing a war we had begun long before 
you got here. If you will act justly, you will allow us 
to settle our own differences." 

Colonel Doniphan then explained that the New 
Mexicans had surrendered ; that they desired no more 
fighting ; that it was a custom with the Americans, 
when a people gave up, to treat them as friends thence- 
forward; that we now had full possession of New Mex- 
ico and had attached it to our Government ; that the 
whole country and every thing in it had become ours 
by conquest ; and that when they now stole property 
from the New Mexicans they were stealing from us, 
and when they killed them they were killing our peo- 
ple, for they had now become ours ; that this could not 
be suffered any longer. Finally after some considera- 
tion the Chief responded : " If New Mexico be really in 
your possession, and if it be the intention of your Gov- 
ernment to hold it, we will cease our depredations, and 
refrain from future wars upon that people ; for we have 
no cause of quarrel with you, and do not desire to have 
any war with so powerful a nation. Let there be peace 
between us." This was the end of the speaking, and so 
the treaty was signed. 

This expedition to the westward, with all its dan- 



312 AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

gers and hardships, was a fitting prelude to that extraor- 
dinary march and conquest which have rendered the 
name of Doniphan immortal, and which have been not 
inappropriately compared by as high authority as 
William Cullen Bryant to Xenophon's celebrated " Re- 
treat of the Ten Thousand." 

On October 12th the Mormon battalion, which was 
to be formed at Council Blufifs of refugees from Nauvoo, 
arrived at Santa Fe ; and its commander having died, it 
was put in charge of Lieutenant Colonel Cooke, and a 
week later started south and west to follow the route 
taken by General Kearney to California. 

Doniphan's march to Chihuahua commenced on De- 
cember 14th, leaving Colonel Price, of the Second 
Missouri Mounted Volunteers, in command of the few 
remaining troops in New Mexico. 







CHAPTER XXI. 



THE REVOLT OF 1847. 

SCARCELY had a day passed after the departure of 
General Doniphan, before information came that 
preparations were being made for a general revolt against 
the American authority. While the people generally 
had apparently submitted to the new order of things 
Avith a good grace, yet there was naturally much dis- 
content beneath the quiet external appearance, espe- 
cially among the wealthy and those who had been local 
leaders, and who thought that the attainment of their 
ambition or the pursuit of their pleasures might be in- 
terfered with by the new regime. Besides, we are to re- 
member in judging of the acts of those days, that the 
people were Mexicans, and their territory a part of the 
Republic of Mexico, which had been invaded by an 
American army and was being held by force of arms ; 
and that so long as the war continued it was simply an 
act of patriotism, from their point of view, to drive from 
their soil these invaders of their country, or to destroy 
them from the face of the earth. What afterwards, 
when they had accepted American citizenship, would 
have been treason and rebellion, at that time, while 
war was raging between the two countries, was for them, 
as Mexican citizens held under foreign military control, 
a natural manifestation of love of country. This view 
of the matter was officially taken by the President of 
the United States himself, who pardoned several of those 
engaged in the revolt, after they had been convicted of 
treason and sentenced to be hung, on the ground that as 
actual war was existing between the two governments, 
a Mexican citizen could not commit treason against the 



314 REVOLT OF 1847. 

United States; and this should be carefully borne in 
mind, in reading and judging of the events connected 
with the American occupation and the revolt of 1847 ; 
and it is also to be noted that those who were most 
patriotic Mexicans, Avhile they were Mexicans, have 
been among the most valuable and loyal American citi- 
zens in civil affairs, in Indian wars, and the war of the 
Rebellion, since the treaty of peace transferred their 
allegiance. 

The leaders in the attempt to recapture the country 
from the Americans w' ere Don Diego Archuleta, of Los 
Luceros, who had been a delegate to the Mexican Con- 
gress from New Mexico, and Don Tomas Ortiz, of Santa 
Fe, who had been second in command to Armijo ; both 
men of extensive connections and large influence. They 
were supported in the enterprise by many leading citi- 
zens of the Territory, including— according to the histo- 
ries of Hughes and W. W. H. Davis, and as was generally 
believed at the time — Tomas C. de Baca, of Peiia Blanca, 
Manuel Chavez, Miguel E. Pino, Nicolas Pino, and 
Pablo Dominguez ; and Hughes also mentions Santiago 
Armijo, Domingo Baca, and Juan Lopez. It subse- 
quently appeared, however, that several of these parties 
were not concerned in this attempt. Among those 
specially active in the affair were some of the Mexican 
priesthood, the most prominent being Padre Jose Manuel 
Gallegos and Padre Juan Felipe Ortiz. These two took 
an important part in arranging the preliminaries of the 
revolt. Padre Ortiz went to the north as far as La Joya 
at the time of the festival of Nuestra Seiiora de Guada- 
lupe (December 12th) to perform the religious services 
appropriate to the occasion, and from there visited the 
Rio Arriba and Taos regions to excite the people to 
action. Padre Gallegos simultaneously came up from 
Albuijuerque to perfect arrangements with the leaders 
around Santa Fe. The first general meeting was held 
on December 12tli, and it was then decided that the 



REVOLT OF 1847. 315 

revolution should take place one week from that date— 
a general rising being made all over the country. The 
programme was to kill or drive out of the Territory all 
Americans, and also all Mexicans who had taken office 
under the American Government since the occupation. 

Everything was arranged with the utmost secrecy, 
and organized so that each leader should have his ap- 
pointed part in the work to perform. It was agreed 
that on the night of the appointed day (December 19th) 
those engaged in the conspiracy in Santa Fe were to 
gather in the parochial church and remain concealed. 
Meanwhile, friends from the surrounding country, under 
the lead of Don Diego Archuleta, who was to be the 
General-in-Chief, were to be brought into the city and 
distributed in various houses where they would be un- 
observed. At midnight the church bell was to sound, 
and then the men within the church were to sally forth 
and all were to rendezvous immediately in the plaza, 
seize the cannon there and aim them so as to command 
the leading points, while detachments under special 
orders w^ere to attack the Palace and the quarters of the 
American Commandant (Colonel Price), and make them 
prisoners. The people throughout the whole north of 
the Territory had been secretly notified, and were only 
awaiting news of the rising at Santa Fe to join in the 
revolt and make it a sure success. In fact, everything 
seemed favorable, and but for a postponement, agreed to 
at a final preparatory meeting, the object might have 
been accomplished. Some timid spirits then argued 
that more time was needed for preparation, and so the 
date of the rising was changed to Christmas eve, which 
it was thought was the most propitious occasion, as dis- 
cipline Avould then be relaxed, the soldiers would be 
engaged in festivities at various bailes and saloons in the 
town, and so — dispersed and unarmed — could be easily 
killed or captured. 

The postponement, however, was fatal to action at 



31^) REVOLT OF 18-17. 

that time, for in the interim information of the con- 
spiracy reached the American authorities, as is said by 
some, through a mulatto woman, who was the wife of 
one of those engaged in the project and who had friends 
among the Americans whom she wished to serve ; and 
according to another account, from Agustin Duran. 
Very possibly the news came from more than one source, 
as is apt to be the case with secrets too long kept. At 
all events, the Governor took vigorous measures to re- 
press the outbreak, and promptly arrested and impris- 
oned a number of the supposed leaders ; among whom 
were Manuel Chavez and the Pino brothers. An inves- 
tigation ensued, from which it appeared that these three 
were not concerned in this conspiracy at all, the sus- 
picions against them having been excited by the prom- 
inent part they took in endeavoring to raise a volun- 
teer army to meet the Americans in the field before the 
coming of General Kearney, as narrated in Chapter 
XVI. They were acquitted and released, and soon after 
showed their loyalty to the new order of things by en- 
listing (Manuel Chavez and Nicolas Pino, Miguel E. 
Pino being sick) in the volunteer company under Col- 
onel St. Vrain, which marched to put down the Taos 
insurrection. Ortiz and Archuleta, who were to have 
been, respectively. Governor and Commanding General 
urder the revolutionary government, escaped to the 
south, notwithstanding the efforts of Lieutenant Walker 
to make an arrest, and succeeded in reaching the City 
of Mexico, where they remained until the end of the 
war. 

This opportune discovery prevented the projected 
Tevolt for the time, but did not allay the determination 
of the people to free themselves from foreign control as 
soon as a fitting opportunity presented itself. On the 
contrary, preparations for a future rising were secretly 
undertaken on a scale more extended than before. This 
time certain of the Pueblo Indians, and especially those 



REVOLT OF 1847. 317 

of Taos, were enlisted in the cause, and added much to 
the strength and prospects of the enterprise. The time 
for the revolt was well chosen, as was the place of the 
first outbreak. 

Governor Bent, supposing all danger past, left the 
capital on January 14th to visit his home and family at 
Taos, and arrived there after a two days' trip. He was 
accompanied by five persons, including the sheriff, pre- 
fect of the county, and the circuit attorney. On the 
night of the 19th a large body of men, partly Mexicans 
and partly Pueblo Indians, attacked his residence, and 
succeeded that night not only in killing the Governor, 
but also the sheriff of the county, Stephen Lee ; J. W. 
Leal, the circuit attorney ; Cornelio Vigil, the prefect ; 
Narciso Beaubien, a son of Judge Beaubien ; and Pablo 
Jaramillo. The prefect represented the class of natives 
of the Territory who had accepted office under the United 
States authorities, and his death showed a determina- 
tion to destroy all those who had taken similar positions. 
Jaramillo was a brother-in-law of Governor Bent, and 
no doubt w^as killed for that reason. 

The animosity of the people had evidently been 
aroused to the highest pitch against all connected with 
the invaders, as we told that the most cruel feautures 
were connected with the murders of some of these offi- 
cials, as w^ell as with others that took place almost si- 
multaneously in the vicinity ; S. Turley, the owner of the 
distillery, and six other Americans at work at the Arroyo 
Hondo, tW'Clve miles above Taos, and two others still 
farther north on the Rio Colorado, being among the vic- 
tims, the former after a resistance of two days. 

At Mora, at the same time, an attack was made on a 
party of Americans w^ho had just arrived there from 
Las Vegas, and all of them were killed. The principal 
one in this party was Mr. L. Waldo, a brother of Cap- 
tain Waldo of the Missouri volunteers, and father of 
Henry L. Waldo, afterward Chief Justice of New 



318 REVOLT OF 1847. 

Mexico. He had been mercliandi.'^iiig for some years in 
the Territory, was well known and much respected. 
He had a wagon in which he travelled, and on this 
occasion the other seven Americans who fell victims had 
accompanied him in the wagon from Las Vegas. The 
bodies of all those thus killed at Mora, with the exception 
of one that could not be found, were subsequently 
brought into Las Vegas and interred there. 

The startling news of the assassination of the Gov- 
ernor was swiftly carried to Santa Fe, and reached Col- 
onel Price the next day. Simultaneously, letters were 
discovered calling on the people of the Rio Abajo to 
secure Albuquerque and march northward to aid the 
other insurgents; and news speedily followed that a 
united Mexican and Pueblo force of large magnitude 
w^as marching down the Rio Grande valley towards the 
capital, flushed with the success of the revolt at Taos. 
Very few troops were in Santa Fe, ; in fact, the number 
remaining in the whole Territory was very small, and 
these were scattered at Albuquerque, Las Vegas, and 
other distant points. At the first named town were 
Major Edmondson and Captain Burg win ; the former 
in command of the town, and the latter with a com- 
pany of the First Dragoons. 

Colonel Price lost no time in taking such measures 
as his limited resources permitted. Edmondson was di- 
rected to come immediately to Santa Fe to take com- 
mand of the capital ; and Burgwin to follow Price as 
fast as possible towards the scene of hostilities. The 
Colonel himself collected the few troops at Santa Fe, 
which were all on foot, but fortunately included the 
little battalion which under Captain Angney had made 
such extraordinary marches on the journey across the 
plains as to almost outwalk the cavalry. With these 
was a volunteer company formed of nearly all of the 
American inhabitants of the city, under command of 
Colonel St. Vrain, who happened to be in Santa Fe, to- 



REVOLT OF 1847. 319 

gether with Judge Beaubien, at the time of the rising 
at Taos. With this little force, amounting in all to 310 
men, Colonel Price started to march towards Taos, or at 
all events to meet the arm}^ which was coming towards 
the capital from the north and which grew as it marched 
by constant accessions from the surrounding country. 
The city of Santa Fe was left in charge of a garrison 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Willock. While the force 
was small and the volunteers without experience in 
regular warfare, yet all were nerved almost to desperation 
by the belief, since the Taos murders, that the only al- 
ternative was victory or annihilation. 

The expedition set out on January 23d, and the next 
day the Mexican army, under command of General 
Montoya as Commander-in-Chief, aided by Generals 
Tafoya and Chavez, was found occupying the heights 
commanding the road near La Canada (Santa Cruz), 
with detachments in some strong adobe houses near the 
river banks. The advance had been seen shortly before 
at the rocky pass, on the road from Pojuaque ; and near 
there and before reaching the river, the San Juan Pu- 
eblo Indians, who had joined the revolutionists reluctant- 
ly and under a kind of compulsion, surrendered and were 
disarmed by removing the locks from their guns. On 
arriving at the Canada, Price ordered his howitzers to 
the front and opened fire; and after a sharp cannonade, 
directed an assault on the nearest houses by Angney's 
battalion. Meanwhile an attempt by a Mexican detach- 
ment to cut off the American baggage-wagons which had 
not yet come up was frustrated by the activity of St. 
Vrain's volunteers. A charge all along the line was 
then ordered and handsomely executed; the houses, 
which being of adobe, had been practically so many 
ready-made forts, were successively carried, and St. 
Vrain started in advance to gain the Mexican rear. 
Seeing this manceuver, and fearing its effects, the Mexi- 
cans retreated, leaving thirtv-six dead on the field. 



320 REVOLT OF 1847. 

Among those killed was General Tafoya, who bravely 
remained on the field after the remainder had abandoned 
it, and was shot. 

Colonel Price pressed on up the river as fast as pos- 
sible, passing San Juan, and at Los Luceros, on the 28th, 
his little army was rejoiced at the arrival of re-inforce- 
ments, consisting of a mounted company of cavalry, 
Captain Burgwin's company, which had been pushed 
up by forced marches on foot from Albuquerque, and a 
six-pounder brought by Lieutenant Wilson. Thus en- 
larged, the American force consisted of 480 men, and 
continued its advance up the valley to La Joya, which 
was as far as the river road at that time extended. 
Meanwhile the Mexicans had established themselves in 
a narrow pass near Embudo, where the forest was dense, 
and the road impracticable for wagons or cannon, the 
troops occupying the sides of the mountain on both 
sides of the canon. Burgwin was sent with three com- 
panies to dislodge them and open a passage — no easy 
task. But St. Vrain's company took the west slope, and 
another the right, while Burgwin himself marched 
through the gorge between. The sharp-shooting of 
these troops did such terrible execution that the pass 
was soon cleared, though not without the display of 
great heroism, and some loss ; and the Americans 
entered Embudo without further opposition. The dif- 
ficulties of this campaign were grcatl}^ increased by the 
severity of the weather, the mountains being thickly 
covered with snow, and the cold so intense that a num- 
ber of men were frost-bitten and disabled. The next 
day Burgwin reached Las Trampas, where Price arrived 
with the remainder of the American army on the last 
day of January, and all together the}' marched into 
Chamisal. 

Notwithstanding the cold and snow they pressed on 
over the mountain, and on the 3d of February reached 
the town of Fernando de Taos, only to find that the 



REVOLT OF 1847. 321 

Mexican and Pueblo force had fortified itself in the cel- 
ebrated Pueblo of Taos, about three miles distant. That 
force had diminished considerably during the retreat 
from La Canada, many of the Mexicans returning to 
their homes, and its greater part now consisting of Pu- 
eblo Indians. The American troops were worn out with 
fatigue and exposure, and in most urgent need of rest ; 
but their intrepid commander, desiring to give his op- 
ponents no more time to strengthen their works, and 
full of zeal and energy, if not of prudence, determined 
to commence an immediate attack. 

The two great buildings at this Pueblo, certainly the 
most interesting and extraordinary inhabited structures 
in America, are well known from descriptions and en- 
gravings. They are five stories high and irregularly 
pyramidal in shape, each story being smaller than the 
one below, in order to allow ingress to the outer rooms 
of each tier from the roofs. Before the advent of artil- 
lery these buildings were practically impregnable, as 
when the exterior ladders were drawn up, there were 
no means of ingress, the side walls being solid without 
openings, and of immense thickness. Between these 
great buildings, each of which can accommodate a mul- 
titude of men, runs the clear water of the Taos Creek ; 
and to the west of the northerly building stood the old 
church, with walls of adobe from three to seven and a 
half feet in thickness. Outside of all, and having its 
north-west corner just beyond the church, ran an adobe 
wall, built for protection against hostile Indians, and 
which now answered for an outer earth- work. The 
church was turned into a fortification, and was the point 
w^here the insurgents concentrated their strength ; and 
against this Colonel Price directed his principal attack. 
The six-pounder and the howitzer were brought into posi- 
tion without delay, under the command of Lieutenant 
Dyer, then a young graduate of West Point, and since 
then Chief of Ordnance of the U. S. Army, and opened 



322 REVOLT OF 1847. 

•d fire on the thick adobe walls. But cannon balls made 
little impression on the massive banks of earth, in which 
they imbedded themselves without doing damage ; and 
after a fire of two hours, the battery was withdrawn, 
and the troops allowed to return to the town of Taos 
for their much-needed rest. 

Early the next morning, the troops, now refreshed 
and ready for the combat, advanced again to the Pueblo, 
but found those w^ithin equally prepared. The story of 
the attack and capture of this place is so interesting, both 
on account of the meeting here of old and new systems 
of warfare— of modern artillery with an aboriginal 
stronghold — and because the precise localities can be 
distinguished by the modern tourist from the descrip- 
tion, that it seems best to insert the official report as 
presented by Colonel Price. Nothing could show more 
plainly how superior strong earth-works are to many 
more ambitious structures of defense, or more forcibly 
display the courage and heroism of those who took part 
in the battle, or the signal bravery of the accomplished 
Captain Burgwin which led to his untimely death. 
Colonel Price writes, — 

" Posting the dragoons under Captain Burgwin about 
two hundred and sixty yards from the western flank of 
the church, I ordered the mounted men under Captains 
St. Vrain and Slack to a position on the opposite side of 
the town, whence they could discover and intercept any 
fugitives who might attempt to escape towards the 
mountains, or in the direction of San Fernando. The 
residue of the troo})s took ground about three hundred 
yards from the north wall. Here, too. Lieutenant Dyer 
established himself with the six-pounder and two how- 
itzers, while Lieutenant Hassendaubel, of Major Clark's 
battalion, light artillery, remained with Captain Burg- 
win, in command of two howitzers. By this arrange- 
ment a cross-fire was obtained, sweeping the front and 
eastern flank of the church. All these arrangements 



REVOLT OF 1847. 323 

being made, the batteries opened upon the town at nine 
o'clock A. M. At eleven o'clock, finding it impossible to 
breach the walls of the church with the six-pounder 
and howitzers, I determined to storm the building. At 
a signal, Captain Burgw^in, at the head of his ow^n com- 
pany and that of Captain McMillin, charged the western 
flank of the church, while Captain Angney, infantry 
battalion, and Captain Barber and Lieutenant Boon, 
Second Missouri Mounted Volunteers, charged the north- 
ern wall. As soon as the troops above mentioned had 
established themselves under the western wall of the 
church, axes were used in the attempt to breach it, and 
a temporary ladder having been made, the roof was 
fired. About this time. Captain Burgwin, at the head 
of a small party, left the cover afforded by the flank of 
the church, and penetrating into the corral in front of 
that building, endeavored to force the door. In this 
exposed situation, Captain Burgwin received a severe 
wound, which deprived me of his valuable services, and 
of which he died on the 7th instant. Lieutenants Mc- 
Ilvaine, First U S. Dragoons, and Royall and Lackland, 
Second Regiment Volunteers, accompanied Captain 
Burgwin into the corral, but the attempt on the church 
door proved fruitless, and they were compelled to retire 
behind the wall. In the meantime, small holes had 
been cut in the western wall, and shells were thrown in 
by hand, doing good execution. The six-pounder was 
now brought around by Lieutenant Wilson, who, at the 
distance of two hundred yards, poured a heavy fire of 
grape into the town. The enemy, during all of this 
time, kept up a destructive fire upon our troops. About 
half-past three o'clock, the six-pounder was run up 
Avithin sixty yards of the church, and after ten rounds, 
one of the holes which had been cut with the axes was 
widened into a practicable breach. The storming party, 
among whom were Lieutenant Dyer, of the ordnance, 
and Lieutenants Wilson and Taylor, First Dragoons, 



324 REVOLT OF 1847. 

entered and took possession of the church without op- 
position. The interior was filled with dense smoke, 
but for which circumstance our storming party would 
have suffered great loss A few of the enemy were seen 
in the gallery, where an open door admitted the air, but 
they retired without firing a gun. The troops left to 
support the battery on the north side were now ordered 
to charge on that side. 

"The enemy then abandoned the western part of 
the town. Many took refuge in the large houses on the 
east, while others endeavored to escape toward the 
mountains. These latter were pursued by the mounted 
men under Captains Slack and St. Vrain, who killed 
fifty-one of them, only two or three men escaping. 
It was now night, and our troops were quietly quar- 
tered in the houses which the enemy had abandoned. 
On the next morning the enemy sued for peace, and 
thinking the severe loss they had sustained would prove 
a salutary lesson, I granted their supplication, on the 
condition that they should deliver up to me Tomas, one 
of their principal men, who had instigated and been 
actively engaged in the murder of Governor Bent and 
others. The number of the enemy at the battle of 
Pueblo de Taos was between six and seven hundred, and 
and of these one hundred and fifty were killed, wounded 
not know^n. Our own loss was seven killed and forty- 
five wounded ; many of the wounded have since died." 

The capture of the Taos Pueblo practically ended the 
main attempt to expel the Americans from the Terri- 
tory. Governor Montoya, who was a very influential 
man in the conspiracy and styled himself the "Santa 
Ana of the north," was tried by court-martial, convicted, 
and executed on Febuary 7th, in presence of the army. 
Fourteen others were tried for participating in the mur- 
der of Governor Bent and the others who were killed on 
the 19th of January, and were convicted and executed. 
Thus, fifteen in all were hunoj, being an equal number 



REVOLT OF 1847. 325 

to those murdered at Taos, the Arroyo Hondo and Rio 
Colorado. Of these, eight were Mexicans and seven 
were Pueblo Indians. Several more were sentenced to 
be hung for '' treason," but the President very prop- 
erly pardoned them, on the ground that treason against 
the United States was not a crime of which a Mex- 
ican citizen could be found guilty, while his coun- 
try was actually at war with the United States. 

In other parts of New Mexico attempts were made to 
revolt simultaneously with the rising at Taos, or very 
soon after, all being part of the one general plan- it 
having been intended to have a universal destruction 
of all the Americans, including Mexicans holding office 
under the American Government, in the entire Territory. 

The projected rising at Las Vegas was prevented by 
the faithfulness of the Alcalde to his oath, and the prox- 
imity of the troops under Captain Hendley. The day 
after the killing of Mr. Waldo and his seven companions 
at Mora, a swift messenger came in from that town to 
Juan de Dios Maes, the Alcalde, at Las Vegas, bringing 
a letter which told of the revolt of the people in the 
north, the killing of Governor Bent and others at Taos 
and of the eight Americans at Mora, and called on the 
Mexicans of Las Vegas and its vicinity to join their north- 
ern brethren in the work; to rise immediately and kill 
all the Americans among them. The Alcalde showed 
the letter to Levi J. Keithley, a neighbor on the plaza 
and the latter advised that they should consult Antonio 
Sais, a citizen of excellent judgment. Sais advised the 
Alcalde to keep faith with the United States at all haz- 
ards, and to call a meeting of the citizens without delay 
to take such action as they deemed necessary. This 
was accordingly done— the call being made by beating 
a drum around the plaza. When the crowd had as- 
sembled, the Alcalde read to them the letter which he 
had received, and then addressed them as to their duty. 
" You all saw me take the oath of allegiance to the 



326 REVOLT OF 1847. 

United States," he said, " on the house-top across the 
plaza. I consider that you all took that oath through 
me, as your Alcalde, and are bound as much as myself. 
As for me, I assure you I am determined to live and 
die by that oath." This position taken by the local 
authority had great weight, and the people agreed to 
follow his advice. Just then Captain Hendley, who 
was in command of a detachment of soldiers at a graz- 
ing-camp near Apache Spring, came into town, and was 
informed of what had occurred. He said he had no 
orders to move his company, but that if any attemi)t 
was made by insurgents from Mora, or elsewhere, to 
make trouble, he could be depended on to protect the 
peaceable citizens. He then left town, but had scarcely 
started when threats were heard which alarmed the 
Americans, and they sent a swift messenger (a French- 
man) to urge him to bring up his company. The Cap- 
tain replied that he could not move without orders, but 
that if any were afraid, they could come to his camp and 
be protected. " No ! " said the excited Frenchman, with 
an oath, '' I am an American citizen, and demand pro- 
tection here\ D n the orders!" Finally Hendley 

consented to come — and arrived early the next morning 
with his company, and occupied the town. Here a 
number of volunteers joined him, so that his total force 
was increased to about 250 men. 

Full particulars of the killing of Mr. Waldo and his 
seven companions at Mora had now been received, cre- 
ating great indignation, and on the 22d of January 
Captain Hendley started on an expedition against that 
town with eighty men, with the intention of avenging 
their deaths. He arrived in front of Mora on the 24th, 
but found the town occupied by over 150 armed Mexi- 
cans. He ordered an assault, and had succeeded in 
taking possession of a number of houses, and penetrated 
to the old fort, or block house, built for protection against 
Indians, in which his antagonists had entrenched them- 
selves, when he fell, a victim of his own braverv : and 



REVOLT OF 1847. 327 

his command withdrew. A few days subsequently, 
February 1st, the town was again attacked by Captain 
Morin, and was captured and much of it demolished. 

About the same time Captain Robinson's camp was 
surprised and 200 horses and mules captured, one man 
killed and several wounded. Captain Edmondson 
started from Las Vegas in pursuit of the band that had 
made the attack, came up with them in the narrow 
canon near the junction of the Canadian and Mora, " the 
hills literally covered with Indians and Mexicans," and 
after a sharp skirmish succeeded in dispersing them. 

A few more isolated outbreaks occurred, generally at 
points remote from the Capital, as at Las Valles, in San 
Miguel County, and at Captain Morin's camp, at the Cie- 
nega, eighteen miles below Taos, where Lieutenant Lar- 
kin and four men were killed. But they were promptly 
met, and seem to have arisen more from bands of free- 
booters in search of plunder than from any concerted and 
patriotic attempt as Mexicans to drive the invaders 
from their country. Later in the year large re-inforce- 
ments came to the American army ; and the people be- 
gan to learn that they had really more freedom and more 
protection under the American flag than under that of 
Mexico. Many of the stories that had been circulated 
to influence their minds against the new-comers, time 
proved to be untrue; and so they became reconciled to 
the change in government. 

By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, all inhabitants 
of New Mexico, except those who chose formally to re- 
tain the character of Mexican citizens, became citizens 
of the United States, with the same rights and privi- 
leges as all other citizens. Thus New Mexico became, 
beyond dispute, a part of the " Great Republic, " and 
her people legally, actually, and unalterably united, with 
the millions of their brother freemen under the stars 
and stripes, in sustaining the honor of the American 
nation, enhancing its glory, and fulfilling its great 
mission. 










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